Vagabonds are those who have not a place to rest their heads on, nor they care for it, wiser than all they look for a far better home, and happier still which this world cannot give. They walk the world singing, thinking all world is their natural heritage from God, the Creator and Father … —Suresh Biswas in a letter to his uncle, Kailash Chandra Biswas, St. Cruz, February 8, 1887 (qtd. in Dutt 187)

This research aims to delve into the trajectories and performance journeys of circus artists who travel across the Global South and between the Global South and Global North. While studying these trajectories, I ask the questions: what drives artists to travel, and what conditions compel them to leave their native countries and journey to unfamiliar foreign lands that frequently thrust them into precarious situations? Is this forced economic migration or seasonal migration? What legal conditions and governmental mechanisms facilitate their movement? What shapes the cosmopolitan identity of a migrant or traveling artist, and how is it perceived by the audience? How does the artist use cosmopolitanism as a means to decolonize the performing body and the circus setting?

I present three case studies to support this inquiry—firstly, those who travelled from India to the imperial center during the colonial period. In this context, I specifically investigate the progression of artist Suresh Biswas, who deviated from the standard trajectory from India to the UK and Europe and settled in Brazil, due to the actor network he was able to mobilize and the cosmopolitan identity he cultivated. Secondly, I examine artists of African descent and their performances in the Indian circus during the globalization period. In this case, I focus on artists I encountered during fieldwork conducted between 2015 and 2023. Lastly, I explore the training and performance practices of artists located in Nairobi, Kenya, who frequently perform locally as well as on the festival circuits throughout Europe. I met these troupes, observed their training and performances and conducted interviews with them in 2021.

I specifically cite these examples due to my familiarity with them and the accessibility of their materials. Moreover, it is their marginalized socio-economic backgrounds that make these artists particularly vulnerable. Despite similar economic motivations, such as the pursuit of better living conditions and sustenance, the socio-political contexts of these artists vary considerably from the colonial period to the current era of globalization, especially when examining differing governmental mechanisms for migration.1 This essay, along with their performances, also focuses on their micro-histories, which are not isolated but instead represent “histories that are interconnected” (Subrahmanyam). Despite these “entangled performance histories” (Fischer-Lichte), they have persisted, albeit on the fringes of circus history.

Stuart Hall’s assertions about popular culture as a contested arena, combined with the perspective of the body as a site of hybrid identity rather than a conventional singular identity and Yana Meerzon’s framework of cosmopolitanism, form the basis for these inquiries. I also utilize Bruno Latour’s Actor-Network Theory to explore the networks that shape the artistic skills acquired and the artistic personas developed as these artists move beyond their local contexts (Christopher B. Balme). My investigation draws upon archival resources including photographs, posters, articles, newspaper reports, biographies, live rehearsals and performances, performance videos and interviews.

The Indian “vagabond” who traversed the colonial circuit

Lieutenant Suresh Biswas, an animal tamer from Bengal, made his first international appearance at the World’s Fair at the Royal Agricultural Hall in Islington from 1881 to 1882. As the caretaker of the elephant Bosco in Hamburg, who was later purchased by a circus owner in Buenos Aires, Suresh Biswas travelled to Argentina most likely with the Compañía ecuestre y maravillas zoologicas de los Hermanos Carlo (The Carlos Brothers’ Equestrian Company and Zoological Marvels). In 1885, Suresh performed across Argentina and then in Brazil. He returned to Hamburg with the circus at the end of the season. Soon after, he moved to Argentina where he was appointed director of the zoo. He then went back to Brazil, married a local who was also a fan and made Brazil his home. In 1905, Biswas enlisted in the Federal District Military Police of Brazil where he eventually rose to the rank of Captain and met with a sudden death that same year (Dutt). He embraced the label of “a vagabond”2, which was often attributed to him.

The quote at the beginning of the essay from Biswas’s letters to his uncle encapsulates the themes of acceptance and self-romanticization, presenting a distinctive narrative. The migrant’s departure from their hometown is often necessitated by dire circumstances, making migration not a matter of choice but the only means of survival. This self-romanticization may provide a sense of comfort in the absence of family, community and a connection to one’s roots. This opens up several questions regarding why the artists chose to migrate in the first place. What were the conditions which forced them to leave their native land and travel to an unknown future in foreign lands?

Biswas’s career as a circus artist was short-lived yet substantial, as it determined his later choices of a more cosmopolitan life. Much of his life has been recorded in his biography by Hem Chandur Dutt, originally published in 1899.3 However, in the annals of international circus histories, which have been mostly Eurocentric in their perspective,4 Biswas is absent. Not much is known about this daredevil beyond Bengal, where the narrative of his military career and prowess in foreign lands is often shared.

Biswas, originally a pedlar selling Indian antiquities in the English countryside, fortuitously encountered a circus troupe in Kent. Initially trained as a gymnast and an acrobat, he also demonstrated his prowess in wrestling against an English competitor despite his slight build. He secured a position with a weekly salary of fifteen shillings with all expenses covered (Dutt 114–116). His career as a circus performer commenced in Sussex where he trained for two years as a tiger and lion tamer under the tutelage of Professor Charles Jamrach. This experience led him to tour various zoological gardens throughout Europe, culminating in a performance at the World Fair held at the Royal Agricultural Hall in Islington in 1882 (Dutt 182). The publicity material for the Fair describes Biswas’s performance as part of the “Continental Menagerie”:

Among the beasts are three lions, which leap and perform other acts at the bidding of their keeper, Suresh-Biswas, who enters their cage. This exhibition, which takes place frequently, attracts great attention, and the daring young Hindoo, master of the king of beasts, is loudly applauded for his display of temerity. (Dutt 14)5

In response to the dismal conditions and economic crisis during colonial rule in India, along with his own personal disappointments, Biswas likely sought better opportunities abroad. He cultivated liberal notions about religion and converted from a staunch Hindu to Protestantism while still a teen6. Biswas was a self-educated individual, “having mastered nearly all sciences and seven languages, including English, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and some Italian, Danish, and Dutch” (Dutt 187).

He was later hired by Carl Hagenbeck as the chief animal tamer at his establishment. Soon after, Jorge Carlo, the proprietor of Wombwell’s Great London Menagerie, acquired from Hagenbeck an elephant called Bosco, who was being cared for by Biswas. To ensure the elephant would eat, Carlo ultimately had to entice Biswas to leave Hamburg with a generous offer to join his team (Dutt 159–160). This led to extensive performances in Argentina and Brazil with the emperor and the royal family witnessing his feats (Dutt 18). Biswas inspired awe and received accolades from the local journalists, as demonstrated by this anonymous coverage in A Semana newspaper:

A tiger, two lions and a man, kept in the same cage is something that will get the nervous system of the most peaceful citizen working. What fear, my God, what fear those two terrible lions and that no less terrible tiger create! And meanwhile, the fearless Sureesh Beswash handles them like some domestic cats. (Dutt 18)7

His encounters with diverse creative communities significantly influenced the evolution of his performances in unforeseen ways. In this context, I reference Leo Cabranes-Grant’s interpretation of Actor-Network Theory (ANT), which posits that the actor-network functions as an ever-expanding open structure (511). Each time these performers, whom I consider actants of ANT, become part of a newly structured artistic network, their performances evolve beyond previous expectations, shaped by their interactions with other actors, intermediaries and mediators within the network. Through such engagements, the artist’s identity undergoes subtle changes.8

Alt text; Long: A flow-chart style diagram with the heading of Activity (chest binding during circus), leads to two pathways, each with bubbles for “negative/positive outcome” which lead to “physical” or “psychosocial,” and then to “immediate, short term, medium term, long term.” There is a center bubble depicting the groups affected in a holistic risk assessment (“participant,” “observer,” “community,” “society”) and how they interact with each other.
Figure 1

Suresh Biswas’s act advertised in Journal de Camerico (published 28th August 1885) from Rio de Janeiro. 1885. Source: Wikimedia Commons. Transcription: “Great Equestrian Company and Zoological Wonders of the Carlo Brothers Today Friday, August 28, 1885 Reappearance of the Two Formidable Ones Lions And The Beautiful Bengal Tiger The Tamer Suresh Biswas Enters The Cage”.

Embodying cosmopolitanism

Throughout his journeys, Biswas gained proficiency in several languages and developed a deep understanding of diverse cultures, which also led him to become an accomplished orator. These skills allowed him to traverse across continents with a comparative ease, to welcome different forms of learning and grow his skills as an animal tamer.

Through these multicultural encounters, his persona can be situated within the “cosmopolitan subject” (Meerzon 4) which reveals a distinctive subjectivity that surpasses both local and national identities as well as the limitations of international and global definitions (13). The drive to explore was integral to his cosmopolitan persona, which consistently fuelled his journeys. He refers to this in a letter to his uncle a decade later:

Dear uncle, I will soon go away from here and invent something that will enable me to travel, because, by travelling only I am happy, for, this gives the idea and nourishes it, of reaching home some day. I must keep moving, for motion is the law, as well as the sign of life, and besides, my objects and motives for being in Brazil in the military line are fulfilled. [Rio de Janeiro, 5 January 1889] (Dutt 190)

His multicultural and cosmopolitan identity not only subverts the stereotypical image of a timid Bengali male9, perpetuated by colonial narratives, but also contests the idealized image of a “Bengali hero”. He grew up playing with fire, combating with cobras, cats and wild dogs and as a child displayed immense courage, strength and valour. Despite lacking formal training in animal taming in India, he grew up in an environment where he frequently encountered the wild. He must have employed this indigenous knowledge towards understanding the animal temperament in his performances with them, while simultaneously adopting a culturally diverse persona that is not confined to a specific national or racial identity.

Biswas’s journeys and performances within diverse communities demonstrate a vibrant transformation of his artistic expression and career, decolonizing the performing body through the cosmopolitanism that shaped his identity, thereby resisting a singular interpretation of who he is. By situating himself in a hybrid space, he was able to move beyond the dichotomy of colonizer and colonized. In my analysis, this cosmopolitan subject even transcends the limitations of a “nationalist icon”.

The modern circus, inherently linked to coloniality, often perpetuates the objectification, taming and exoticization of the “other”, thereby reinforcing these power dynamics. Gillian Arrighi, identifying multiple factors that led to these movements, regards the circus as a transcultural entity, recognizing circuses as centers of cosmopolitanism. This challenges the notion that the circus repertoire was solely shaped by performances from Europe and North America. The East played an equal role in establishing the foundations of circus arts (Arrighi). The presence of artists from the colonies, while challenging the hierarchical power dynamics and de-colonizing both the body in performance and the contexts in which it was performed, also increased the popularity of the circus.

Absent Figures in the Circus Annals

Migration was a constant feature of the colonial era, producing what were often treated as “surplus” African and Asian populations on the streets of London (Banerjee). Indian servants, sailors and nannies found themselves homeless in England after their contracts had ended or their usefulness to employers had diminished. Sumanta Banerjee characterizes these individuals as “the surplus products who were born out of the British capitalists’ perpetual search for surplus (profit)” (59). The capitalist-driven society of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries facilitated the emergence of streets and theaters as new venues for entertainment, where Indian immigrants often secured their livelihoods as street performers and jugglers.

Biswas represents just one among numerous Indian artists who travelled on the colonial entertainment circuit. The archives of photographs and illustrations from the early nineteenth century also reference Ramo Sammee in England (“Theatrical Reflection”), Medua and Mooty Sammee in Germany (Zubrzycki, Jadoowallahs, Jugglers …) and Cassim Mohammet and Abdallah Mohammet traveling through Australia (“The Celebrated Indian Jugglers”). These performers not only captivated large audiences but also significantly shaped the popular entertainment landscape of their time, with their acts being adopted by local performers and eventually being integrated into the circus repertoire.10 Local individuals began to don the attire of “fakirs” and “jugglers”, emulating their indigenous acts and performances. It is important to acknowledge that the contributions of these artists to the evolution of modern circus are frequently overlooked, relegating them to the status of obscured figures in the history of circus and historical accounts in general.

The pivotal aspect that shaped Biswas’s journey was his connection with Bosco and Carlo’s insistence on retaining him as Bosco’s caretaker, which led him away from Europe and allowed him to discover his audiences and community in South America, where he flourished. Not every individual succeeded in establishing a successful trajectory akin to that of Suresh Biswas; many passed away in obscurity. Ramo Samee experienced an early death in relative obscurity on the streets of London, whereas Cassim and Abdallah Mohammet were arrested and accused of murder in Australia.11 The evolving performance identity and their ability to adapt to cultural influences, which enhanced their appeal as entertainers, also made many of them susceptible to racial prejudices.

Performers from Africa and a decolonized performing body in Indian circuses

Migrant Artists in the Global Labour Market

The current trend of surplus labour migration from the Global South to the North has its roots in the colonial era. Circus artists have become a distinct demographic within the larger context of labour migration, navigating the complex networks that connect South Asia and Africa, where individuals are propelled by the dual motivations of aspiration and survival. My research findings and interviews with artists over recent years indicate that their migration not only reflects their personal aspirations but also emphasizes the socio-economic conditions that influence their decisions.

This situation arises from two key factors: first, the enhanced accessibility afforded by the internet, which has allowed circuses to recruit artists directly, or through agents, from more remote areas, thus ensuring continuous novelty and diversity in the Indian circuses; and second, to address the lack of Indian artists. In India, there are no specialized circus training schools; instead, the circuses themselves function as training venues for young recruits. However, the Supreme Court’s ban on child artists in circuses has led to an economic and artistic crisis, resulting in no young recruits receiving practical training. This situation has prompted a desperate attempt by circuses to survive by featuring an increasing number of acts by international performers, while Indian artists maintain only a minimal presence.

Consequently, migrants from diverse racial backgrounds, ethnicities and skillsets continue to join the Indian circuses—artists from Russia, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Vietnam, Mongolia and other Eastern European and Central Asian nations now perform in Indian circuses, with African12 artists being particularly prominent. European, Russian or other Central Asian artists are usually contracted exclusively by more affluent circuses like Gemini, Apollo, Asiad and Rambo Circus, on short-term contracts.

This scenario is markedly different from that of African performers, who are typically contracted on an annual basis and are often sought after by numerous circuses.13 These performers predominantly come from Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia to showcase their skills.14 They typically perform as a unit, with a significant number of male artists, and are a familiar presence in numerous circuses across India. I have observed many such troupes at circuses in Delhi, Chandigarh and Kerala between 2015 and 2023.

In the contemporary context defined by governmental mechanisms and neoliberal strategies that facilitate labour mobility for developmental projects, the mobility of artists is more complicated. This complexity arises from stringent visa regulations, while securing permanent residency or citizenship in the Global South has become increasingly challenging. With the rise of liberal capitalism, Wendy Brown argues that:

both individual and state become projects of management, rather than rule, as an economic framing and economic ends replace political ones, a range of concerns become subsumed to the project of capital enhancement, recede altogether, or are radically transformed as they are “economized” (22).

Transnationalism has made these artists more readily available across continents and has opened up new work opportunities while global networks have provided easier access to them. However, the state’s failure to offer protection and support has led to movement laden with complex procedures and difficulties. While India does have a specific visa category for “foreign circus artists”, these are restricted to short durations only15 and not many artists or circus owners are aware of these provisions. The presence of these performers serves as a poignant reminder of the complexities inherent in the global labour market.

Nonetheless, within the circus milieu, they contribute to a rich tapestry of acts, bringing their unique skills and performances to diverse audiences in India. This cross-cultural interaction raises important questions about identity, belonging and the impact of globalization on circus practice and repertoire. Typically, their performances feature acrobatic routines which intersperse with conventional circus repertoire where the acts are structured and performed as separate “items”16.

Artistry and Skills - Embodied Cosmopolitanism

A group of five acrobats from Africa enters the ring without any props, dancing in complete sync to music which sounds “African”, all dressed in two-piece costumes with animal prints. Two of them take their position on the ground as the others keep dancing. The next two walk towards the centre and are lifted by the ones already positioned there, onto their shoulders. As these two steady their balance, the fifth dancer joins them and is lifted by all four. The position not only has a clear geometry but works because of the distribution of weight, with clean aesthetics achievable in only a few seconds. They stay in this pose for a few seconds as the audience takes in the strength of their bodies and the balance of the complicated tableau, simultaneously applauding their courage. Then they let go and disperse, only to dance around for a while and come back to strike another tableau. There are specific steps to disassemble the poses as well. As a break between two poses, they all stand in a line and one will perform some solo movements in front of the line while the others often clap to the rhythm, compelling the audience to join them. The performance moves ahead with the poses becoming more complex at each stage. The performers consistently returned to the ring, incorporating various props such as ropes, hoops and poles across different acts. Each act lasts three to four minutes, accompanied by distinct soundtracks and diverse costumes. (Seen at Asiad Circus, Delhi, October 2017)

African artists generally showcase four to five acts in every performance, and their swift tempo along with their physical abilities clearly sets them apart from others. They outshine their Indian counterparts in terms of skill and physicality, taking center stage with their innovative and distinctive performances, making them visibly the star performers of the show. Their compensation reflects this disparity, as explained by Sujit Dilip of Rambo Circus who reports a monthly salary of 1,35,00017 rupees for each Ethiopian artist contracted for six months, which is a substantial income according to upper middle-class standards in India. What underlies the training and skills that positions them as the main draw at Indian circuses and elevates them above their Indian counterparts? Who orchestrates these performances characterized by a distinct choreography, and what cultural, ethnic or nationalist elements are present?

Alt text; Long: A flow-chart style diagram with the heading of Activity (chest binding during circus), leads to two pathways, each with bubbles for “negative/positive outcome” which lead to “physical” or “psychosocial,” and then to “immediate, short term, medium term, long term.” There is a center bubble depicting the groups affected in a holistic risk assessment (“participant,” “observer,” “community,” “society”) and how they interact with each other.
Figure 2

Acrobats: Jumam Hamid, Fred Genga, Arnold Julian Seprano, Bernard Julian Kasembo, and Rada Karisamaita from Kenya performing at the Great Apollo Circus, Manimajra, Chandigarh, India. 2016. Photographed by the author.

Leah Niederstadt explains that the evolution of acrobatics in these countries is a complex interplay of indigenous traditions and Chinese techniques. In her analysis of Ethiopia’s circus scene, she elaborates that artistic directors draw upon local folktales, music, dance and traditional attire to create a performance that is distinctly Ethiopian. The rigorous training, influenced by Chinese methodologies and rooted in historical Cold War exchanges18, merges with local artforms. Integration of their physical skills with indigenous cultural expressions creates a unique synthesis that transcends mere imitation of the source forms, yielding a distinctive style that represents an “African” identity. The utilization of traditional music and attire in performances serves to articulate a national identity that encompasses a variety of ethnic groups. Niederstadt observes that in Ethiopia, circuses incorporate costumes, dance, music, song and props to celebrate and emphasize ethnic identity for local audiences, although these subtleties are frequently overlooked by international viewers. This approach mirrors the practices of the Moscow and Chinese State Circuses, which similarly leverage national identity as both a marketing strategy and a means of ensuring thematic unity in their shows19 (Niederstadt 77).

The Community and the Decolonized Performative Body

In this discussion, I will examine two contextualizations of these performances. The first involves the aesthetics associated with their cultural practices and the philosophical context that informs the “African” worldview. The second relates to their performance in the intercultural sphere and the circus as a site of popular culture, where the performance engenders a decolonized “African” corporeality.

The African acrobats infuse their performances with an unparalleled joy and exuberance, eliciting an engaged response intertwined with the thrill of their performance, which is very different from the visceral reaction and feelings of awe evoked by a white aerialist, whose aesthetics are dominated by individual expertise and transgression. Catching, balancing and creating formations convey dependence and trust on other members whereas individual skill is subsumed. In this ensemble, there is no one individual star; rather, each member shines collectively, showcasing equal proficiency in their craft. The hallmark of their performance lies in their discipline and seamless collaboration, where all the members collectively ensure that the individual does not fall, which distinctly sets them apart from other performers. How have these indigenous vocabularies integrated into a broader universal circus aesthetic?

This prompts an in-depth investigation into the philosophy that underlies aesthetics which is deeply embedded with the notion of “community”. Achille Mbembe’s analysis of decolonization in the African context highlights a “will to community,” coupled with a “will to know” and a desire for uniqueness and originality, all of which I interpret as fundamental to their artistic expressions (2). African circus performances are not fuelled by competition, authorship or the virtuosic body of one individual over the rest—but rather by a profound longing for community. As pointed out by Olga Lucía Sorzano in a personal conversation, this perspective can be attributed to the widely embraced Ubuntu philosophy which is a deeply ingrained worldview that prioritizes community and the interconnectedness of humanity. This ethical framework posits that identities are shaped by relationships with others, suggesting that our existence as human beings is defined not by solitary experiences but by interactions. Ubuntu encourages a contemplation of existence as a collective entity and a consideration of the extent to which individual humanity and personhood are influenced by connections with others. This philosophical approach redirects attention from the individual to the collective, a fundamental concept that is particularly evident in, and profoundly resonates with, the manner in which African circus bodies establish, maintain and perform contact with other bodies. The energy of the performance is determined by the connection between bodies acting as a collective.

Additionally, the concept of this performed community embraces the audience, thereby enriching each individual’s engagement with the spectacle. Meerzon, in her reference to McAulley, asserts the creation of a collective sense of occasion which fosters social energy through the interaction between stage and audience (249), which can cultivate a vibrant and participatory spectatorship (243).

In my reading, the circus continually reinterprets the significance of the body which is perpetually in negotiation with diverse positionalities rather than a fixed set of oppositions. Stuart Hall posits that the cultural expressions from diasporic encounters result from a partial synchronization and engagement across various cultural boundaries, merging multiple traditions and negotiating power dynamics. He notes that this process involves intricate strategies of recoding and transcoding, as well as critical signification (Hall 28) which I use as my basis to read in the African re-coding of Chinese acrobatics and specialization of a physical technique, transcoding it with their own indigenous practices and thought. Hall discusses the ways in which Black individuals utilize their bodies as a form of cultural expression, suggesting that their physicality often serves as the sole cultural capital available to them. He emphasizes that these bodies become “canvases of representation” (Hall 27), particularly within the context of cultures that arise from diasporic experiences. Hall sees these as “hybrid spaces of popular culture,” which are characterized by their lack of authenticity and singularity, and instead reflect the complexities of diasporic aesthetics. This raises the question of whether circus can ever embody a singular national identity. Circus artists from Africa are required to portray a specific aesthetic and play a particular identity in these milieus, even though while displaying specific ethnicities, these bodies fundamentally possess a more complex and nuanced universal quality.

The significant decline in audience numbers in Indian circuses over the past decade has prompted numerous African artists to seek opportunities in more prosperous regions, such as the Gulf states and European nations. A Kenyan group, associated with the Great Apollo Circus, toured Dubai along with Mumbai and Goa. Lidiya Dawed from Ethiopia, who performed with the Rambo Circus, previously graced stages in Israel, Kenya and Kuwait (Jain). To the nascent artists in their early twenties, Indian cities serve as an ideal ground for exposure, to try out their skills and acts and to gain proficiency before they traverse more competitive and tough festival markets of the Global North. As these artists enhance their skills, they will increasingly gain access to newer geographies and performance circuits. The circus network, particularly that of India, facilitates their reach and integration into international circuits; however, the repertoire they present here is significantly different from the performances they deliver in Europe.

The exoticized “African” acrobat in Europe and their expanding networks

In October 2021, I observed and analysed the training methods and performance oeuvre of two circus troupes which are significantly influenced by European training methods and shaped by the demands of the festival circuit in Europe—circus students at Sarakasi Dome and Mighty Jambo Academy in Nairobi, Kenya:

As I step into the Sarakasi dome located in the heart of Nairobi, the rhythmic sound of drums fills the air and I observe a group of male dancers engaged in a performance that incorporates a rope. An elderly figure oversees the rehearsal, providing guidance on their movements, tempo, formations and expressions. He emphasizes the importance of rehearsing both the opening and closing segments of their performance, which serve as crucial markers for their entrance and exit. Unlike the previous performance, where the dancers entered in sync with the music, this group conveys a narrative through their physical gestures, with one dancer being manipulated by the rope as he is pushed and pulled across the stage. At a certain moment, the rope becomes disentangled, transforming from a binding object into a playful prop. As two dancers twirl the rope, others join in sequentially, beginning with simple skips to warm up, followed by a series of dynamic movements including somersaults, inverted jumps, backflips and various forms of acrobatics, culminating in a synchronized skipping routine. The coach, John Washika, encourages the dancers to extend the performance beyond mere physicality; he envisions a continuation where the individual previously restrained by the rope is liberated, symbolizing a deeper narrative. In this context, the performance transcends a mere exhibition of athletic prowess and collective joy as the rope evolves into a central symbol of the story being told.

The Sarakasi dome, situated within a decrepit cinema hall in the heart of the city, has been transformed into a training facility for circus arts. During my visit, I observed John Washika, the trainer and director at Saraksi, as he prepared performers for an imminent show. He explained that in Kenya, acrobats do not engage in traditional circus performances within tents or dedicated circus venues; such formats are virtually absent. Instead, they operate as independent troupes, showcasing their talents primarily at events held in hotels. Even during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, I couldn’t help noticing that some of these artists took to the streets to perform. I was later informed that the pandemic had reduced the performance opportunities drastically which hit their meagre incomes and forced many to perform on the streets.

Washika’s guidance to the performers emphasized the importance of concluding their acts with a narrative after the main physical act was over. He stressed the necessity of weaving a story around their performance, particularly focusing on the rope as a central object. This approach markedly contrasts with the performance styles typically seen in India. Washika conveyed that the concept of the narrative is rooted in his international experiences, particularly those in Europe (Washika). European performance festivals required the integration of choreographic and narrative elements within acrobatic displays. As a result, a narrative framework is deliberately incorporated as a scaffolding through the opening and closing segments of the act. As the primary acrobatic display is more intricate, it is frequently left to the artists’ discretion, providing a chance to improvise, intended to highlight their technique—allowing for choreography that is much more complex. In my analysis, they tend to maintain the choreographic structure as is, without making any changes. Despite opportunities to improvise, these are generally the original performances they have learned.

Hybrid circus artist in the neoliberal performance market

The training includes a wide variety of forms: indigenous performances as well as instruction in fundamental circus skills such as juggling, contortion and acrobatics. The artists at Mighty Jambo Academy also receive training in yoga. Washika indicated that aerial acts were introduced to them through collaborations with European artists. Furthermore, there are continuous exchange programs with European partners where African artists also share their own expertise in acrobatics.

Alt text; Long: A flow-chart style diagram with the heading of Activity (chest binding during circus), leads to two pathways, each with bubbles for “negative/positive outcome” which lead to “physical” or “psychosocial,” and then to “immediate, short term, medium term, long term.” There is a center bubble depicting the groups affected in a holistic risk assessment (“participant,” “observer,” “community,” “society”) and how they interact with each other.
Figure 3

Acrobats at the Mighty Jambo Academy, Nairobi, Kenya. 2021. Photographed by the author.

In my observations of a studio practice session in October 2021, performances by artists at the Mighty Jambo Academy tend to exoticize ancient African identities, particularly for their European tours, which emphasize physical acts and hunting-centred narratives. In these acts, the lead contortionist, adorned in a body-fitting animal costume, often portrays a leopard or a serpent while other performers, dressed as hunters, engage in rhythmic dance. This is frequently preceded or succeeded by acrobatic sequences reminiscent of acts performed in India, yet the costumes and choreography serve to further exoticize and objectify the performers’ bodies, catering to a voyeuristic audience. Here, the effectiveness of indigeneity—the defining core of the form, embodied through centuries-old living repertoires—exists but is not immediately apparent; in my reading, it remains suspended.

Conversely, in Europe, from the rehearsal sessions witnessed in Nairobi and performance videos that I have seen online, I found that the portrayal of these troupes is further exoticized, often depicting them as huntsmen which reinforces stereotypes and simplifies their complex identities. This representation not only highlights the differences in perception between regions but also underscores the challenges faced by these communities in maintaining their authenticity amidst external interpretations.

A notable feature of popular culture, particularly in forms such as the circus, is its adaptability, allowing various groups or communities to reinterpret and perform it in their own contexts. Conversely, the circus practice, characterized by its fluidity, inherently accommodates indigenous performances. Nevertheless, the rich potential of the embodied practices is frequently overshadowed by the circus aesthetic which is largely dictated by market forces and the capitalist-driven festival circuit that often exoticizes and sexualizes the body. Circus, however, retains an inherent potential of being didactic, although this element is lost on international audiences on global tours (Barber 7).

The categorization of cultural forms and content is fluid, as Hall suggests, and cannot be rigidly associated with any singular group. Instead, there exists a continuous exchange between “preferred” and “marginalized” cultural expressions, shaped by evolving power dynamics and mutual influences. This interplay renders the concept of “popular” culture a contested space. In my analysis, artists from Africa and their performances across the Global North and South highlight their adaptability with changing geopolitical realms, influenced by diverse socio-economic and political factors. However, the significance of self-representation and imagination in comprehending their identities, and the ways in which they are shaped by cultural contexts, would dominate. In the realm of contemporary circus, it serves as an avenue for cultural self-definition, political critique and social resistance.

These can be seen being manifested through performances in two distinct forms: the first embodies and celebrates a pan-African identity, integrating diverse ethnic and national representations from various African nations. An example of this is the extensively touring show Mama Africa: Circus for the Senses, directed by Winston Ruddle, which features performers from nine different African countries collectively presenting a unified pan-African identity. The second are more contemporary, socially relevant performances—Tulu (2022), a production by Circus Abyssinia, is a homage to the ground-breaking achievement of Ethiopian athlete Derartu Tulu, who secured an Olympic gold medal in 1992. This performance constituted an uninterrupted marathon of aerial displays, encapsulating the thrill of the Olympic Games. With a vibrant mix of juggling flags and flames set to the rhythms of 1970s funk and contemporary Ethio-pop, the performance highlighted the remarkable physical prowess and artistic expression inherent in Ethiopian circus culture, reflecting the pride and inspiration derived from Tulu’s historic victory. Rather than focusing on a specific ethnic or African identity, the narrative conveys a powerful tale of resilience and determination drawn from recent history, which also taps on the emotions of the audience and is socially relevant for them.20

The performers have tailored their movements to create a unique expression that transcends conventional forms or idioms. In my reading, their performance is characterized by skill, expertise and fluidity, rather than the ethnic background of the act itself. Karin Barber positions popular culture practices as a marginalized category, often overlooked by traditional cultural frameworks and elite modern forms governed by cultural institutions. She argues that these practices have developed more organically, emerging as new forms that are “predominantly urban, syncretic, quickly changing, oriented towards modernity, often pursuing novelty and commercial, and produced by young, self-taught entrepreneurs working alone or in small groups” (Barber 7). These forms evolve by blending tradition with modernity, continuously generating new trends. The performances within this medium not only exhibit agency but also reflect the complexities of subjectivity related to race, gender, nation and class. These performances create contact zones that extend democratic ideas beyond traditional production boundaries, allowing for a dynamic interaction between the public sphere and the performing bodies involved (Meerzon).

Networks and Influences - Implications of “global mobility”

My analysis suggests that these performances facilitate broader avenues for the circulation of artists from Africa, enhancing their mobility and opportunities. Under the framework of globalization, these troupes have successfully tapped into an expansive network of circus and entertainment that spans both the Global South and North. However, this access is complicated by varying aesthetic expressions related to ethnicity and race, which are further influenced by existing economic disparities. The networks through which these performances operate are shaped by a confluence of factors, including state interests, commercial imperatives and diplomatic relations. The performers navigating these networks embody and express the complex socio-political dynamics, engaging with diverse forms of cosmopolitanism as they operate within the circus arena.

The performance identity of diverse troupe of artists from Africa can be seen as emblematic of a distinct racial community that embodies both exoticism and an international character, navigating diverse paths across the Global South and North. In my study of performances by African artists, whether designed for performances in India, Europe or Africa, the circus body embodies a complex interplay of resistance, transformation and confrontation, yet it simultaneously becomes a subject of commodification and objectification, particularly when it traverses into the Global North. The bodies of marginalized performers often navigate the tensions between colonial and anti-colonial narratives, with the potential for decolonial resistance always present, albeit not consistently actualized. To challenge the Eurocentric paradigms that confine these bodies to mere spectacles, it is essential to adopt decolonial frameworks that honor the unique cultural experiences of diverse indigenous traditions respectfully. Understanding the transnational movement of circus artists and their performances is vital for constructing a comprehensive narrative of mobility and shifting identities within popular culture, yet their exclusion from critical discourse highlights the ongoing marginalization of certain bodies and forms in historical narratives.

Stallybrass and White articulate this phenomenon in The Politics and Poetics of Transgression, noting a recurring dynamic where the dominant “top” seeks to dismiss and eliminate the “bottom” in pursuit of prestige and status. However, this effort often reveals an underlying dependency on those marginalized groups as the dominant culture paradoxically incorporates them into its own symbolic framework. This interplay results in a complex amalgamation of power, fear and desire that shapes individual and collective identities, highlighting a psychological reliance on those who are socially marginalized yet symbolically significant (Stallybrass and White 5).

This dynamic underscores the importance of recognizing and valuing the contributions of those who have been historically sidelined. By acknowledging the intricate relationships between the dominant and the marginalized, we can better understand the complexities of identity formation and the ways in which social hierarchies are constructed and maintained. Ultimately, it is through this recognition that we can challenge the prevailing narratives and assert the significance of shared experiences across the Global South. I find that certain artists, especially those entrenched in circus forms from the Global South, and their stories of negotiations across geographical networks, are often pushed to the periphery, as seen in the case of many itinerant jugglers from India in the colonial period or the acrobats from Africa in the current period. I see that it is in the negation of their position and continuous erasure of their entangled histories across time, and space, that their existence is even further affirmed.

Notes

  1. I engage with these issues more deeply in my forthcoming book, A Critical History of Indian Circus: Performance, Networks, and Migration (Palgrave Macmillan, 2026).
  2. The term “vagabond” was commonly employed in the United Kingdom to describe itinerant artists including those involved in circus and various forms of entertainment. This designation reflected a state of marginalization or the perception of these individuals as undervalued, particularly during periods when public entertainment and social gatherings faced prohibition or persecution. (Sorzano, Personal interview)
  3. Republished by Jadavpur University, Kolkata, 2018.
  4. Gillian Arrighi and Jim Davis in their edited volume on circus, The Cambridge Companion to Circus, move beyond Europe, UK, America and Russia–which are considered the primary centers of circus–and include essays on the circus in Australasia, Argentina and China. These essays on postcolonial histories of circus make important contributions to the field. Further, Arrighi’s chapter recognizes the movement of circuses not only from the imperial centers to the colonies but also their circuits within the colonies. Also, recent writings emerging from Latin America on circus (Infantino) and journal issues from these regions (Sorzano, Infantino, et al.; Revista Rascunhos - Caminhos da Pesquisa em Artes Cênicas) further examine these narratives.
  5. Original Source: “The Fair at the Agricultural Hall”, The Era, 31 December 1881, pp.13.
  6. According to a letter from 1896 by Biswas’s friend, Upendra Nath Chatterjee, this happened in 1876 or 1877, at the insistence of a British minister, J. P. Ashton. The decision is linked to a misunderstanding and eventual disownment by his father, Girish Chunder Biswas. (Dutt 13, 37)
  7. Original Source: Ańonimo, “Theatros - Um tigre e doiseleões”, A semana, Rio de Janeiro, 5 September 1885, pp. 5.
  8. I make detailed analysis of circus acts using Actor-Network Theory in my forthcoming book: A Critical History of Indian Circus: Performance, Networks, and Migration (Palgrave Macmillan, 2026).
  9. Amitava Chatterjee and Anirban Ghosh each write detailed thesis on the notions of timidity as opposed to performed masculinity, often associated with the physicality of Bengali males by the colonials. Circus, in their respective analyses, became a space for contesting these notions and for articulating a rising nationalist movement.
  10. Numerous European artists, including Koringa (also known as Renée Bernard), were drawn to the allure of “Oriental jugglery,” yoga and various forms of magic. Indian artists played a crucial role in introducing European performers to these diverse art forms. This cultural exchange enriched the repertoire of circus performances, which increasingly embraced diversity and novelty. A notable example is Kannan Bombayo, an Indian rope artist who toured Europe with the Kludsky Circus. André Barello, a friend of Bombayo, had a son named Serge Barello, who became a rope artist himself, performing an act reminiscent of Bombayo’s. It is likely that Barello, inspired by Bombayo’s performances, trained his son in a similar style (CNAC 2019). Furthermore, Barello’s performances during the 1960s to 1980s featured an oriental aesthetic: he adopted the Asian name Li Suang, donned Indian costumes and props and entered the performance ring while dancing to Chinese music and brandishing a trident. For more information on this subject, see Deslippe and Dadswell.
  11. The Mahomet brothers, for example, teamed up with an Indian-Sicilian manager, Madhoul Casseroti, who robbed them in 1861 at the Sawpit Creek in Australia and disappeared. Fifteen months later, the body of a dark-haired man, presumed to be Casseroti, was found at Sawpit Creek with blade injuries. Cassim and Abdallah were promptly arrested, and it took just three hours for an all-white jury to find two Indian men, who could not speak English and came from the utmost margins of society, guilty of murder based on circumstantial evidence (Zubrzycki, SBS Hindi; Leon). Cassim was sentenced to death by hanging and executed on May 27, 1863 while Abdallah was sentenced to hard labour and later repatriated to India.
  12. It is important to highlight that while writing this essay, I have grappled with my own use of the term “African.” In critiquing the concept of pan-African identity, I find myself inadvertently deviating from this terminology by questioning if the artists embody a singular “African” identity. This essay aims to interrogate and question the deeply entrenched preconceived notions of racialized and ethnic-ized identities that we often impose, which likely stem from a colonial hangover.
  13. Sujit Dilip of Rambo Circus informed me that European performers mostly join on short-term contracts, whereas the African performers I had interviewed at other circuses (Great Apollo Circus, Asiad Circus and Global Circus) came on a year-long contract. Even after several requests, the proprietors of circus companies did not share contracts even though they were requested solely for research purposes.
  14. Notably, Rambo Circus had both a male and a female dancer from Uganda. There were troupes across other circuses who had travelled from Ethiopia and Uganda as well. The circus owners and agents did not provide any specific rationale for the migration of artists from these particular countries, except stressing that there is a major lacuna of skilled Indian artists. However, it is plausible to suggest that the geographical distance between these nations and India, as well as India’s ever-expanding entertainment industry, may play a significant role in this phenomenon.
  15. According to “Details of Visas Granted by India”, foreign artists can secure a visa for up to two years or the duration of their assignment, whichever is shorter, with a multiple entry option. (Ministry of Home Affairs)
  16. In the contemporary Indian circus scene, however, the acts have been reduced to an item performed by younger artists, due to lack of expertise, direction and training. This also coincides with the decline of the circus and the hardships it is facing both socially and economically.
  17. The average income in India is 15,000–20,000 rupees per month, so this is a very substantial income compared to Indian standards. It is approximately 1,450 euros per month at the current rate.The average income in Ethiopia is 7,052 Ethiopian birr (ETB) per month for the year 2025. The money earned by Ethiopian performers in India, according to Sujit Dilip (26 June 2025), is above 2,00,000/- INR, so even in India they are making a substantial amount by performing in circuses.
  18. Since the Cold War, China has regularly organized exchange programs for African artists. As part of this program, either the Chinese masters visit African countries to teach students new skills or selected students from Africa are sent over to training schools in China.
  19. Ethiopian circus performers and staff members claim affiliation to various ethnic groups although most identify as Amhara, Gurage, Oromo or Tigrai. Although Ethiopian circus performers themselves may not identify as members of many of the ethnic groups they represent in their shows, they often have a basic understanding of the language, clothing and cultural markers that distinguish one group from another due to the environment in which they live. (Niederstadt 79)
  20. Olga Sorzano’s research provides another example of this trend. She examines the performances of SaltandoPorLaPaz, a group which uses aesthetics similar to that of indigenous training to transform the performance space: instead of depicting violence, depravity and death, they use it to create an alternative space for celebration, festive resistance and the construction of a collective identity through solidarity (Sorzano, “Colombia’s Cultural Explosion”).

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