Introduction

In Canada, in 2019, 32% of police-reported hate crimes were motivated by religion (Moreau, 2021; Current Study Table 1). Despite a marked decrease in hate crimes against Muslims from 2017 to 2018, they were still the second most targeted religious group. Muslims in Canada have historically been treated poorly. Specifically, one-third of Muslims in Canada in the past 5 years remark that they have experienced discrimination or have been treated unreasonably because of their religion, language, or cultural background (Environics Institute, 2016). Muslims were overrepresented as victims of hate crimes as early as 2011. Specifically, Canadian Muslims represented 20% of all victims of hate crime motivated by religion, while representing only 3.2% of the population (Allen, 2015). Further, hate-crimes targeting Muslims in Canada increased by 9% from the previous year (Moreau, 2021). In a study among Ontario and Québec Muslims, Ameli and Merali (2014) found that 11% of respondents had experienced some form of physical assault. The prevalence of violent hate crimes against Muslims is nearly ten-fold when compared to level 1 assaults—which includes physical assault and verbal threats—in the general Canadian population which is less than 1% (Statistics Canada, 2020). Further, Muslims are more likely to experience hate crimes that are violent in nature. These hate crimes disproportionately affect Muslim women, highlighting a heightened victimization risk due to the intersection of ethnicity and gender (Perry, 2014; Moreau, 2021). Canadian Muslims are additionally more likely to experience hate crimes due to the intersection of their religion and ethnicity. In Canada, 90% of Muslims are members of a visible minority1 group. Specifically, a third of Canadian Muslims are of South Asian background, a third of Arab background, and a third of other visible minority groups (Allen, 2015). This suggests that religion may work in conjunction with race and ethnicity in motivating hate crimes against Canadian Muslims. Indeed, in 2019, of the 46% of hate crimes based on race or ethnicity, Arab and West Asian Canadians were amongst the visible minority groups most frequently targeted (Moreau, 2021).

Table 1.

Hate Crimes in Canada, 2014 to 2018

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

Motivation

#

%

#

%

#

%

#

%

#

%

Race or ethnic origin (total)

611

48

641

48

666

48

878

43

780

44

 Black

238

19

224

17

214

15

321

16

283

16

 East or South East Asian

52

4

49

4

61

4

61

3

56

3

 South Asian

49

4

48

4

72

5

67

3

75

4

 Arab or West Asian

69

5

92

7

112

8

142

7

111

6

 Native American

37

3

35

3

30

2

31

2

35

2

 White

49

4

38

3

36

3

46

2

37

2

 Other race or ethnic origin1

106

8

130

10

125

9

169

8

159

9

 Race or ethnic origin not specified

11

1

25

2

16

1

41

2

24

1

Religion (total)

429

34

469

35

460

33

842

41

639

36

 Jewish

213

17

178

13

221

16

360

18

347

20

 Muslim

99

8

159

12

139

10

349

17

173

10

 Catholic

35

3

55

4

27

2

39

2

35

2

 Other religion

49

4

41

3

37

3

57

3

46

3

 Religion not specified

33

3

36

3

36

3

37

2

38

2

Sexual orientation

155

12

141

11

176

13

204

10

173

10

Other motivation

77

6

86

6

88

6

117

6

171

10

Unknown motivation

23

N/A

25

N/A

19

N/A

32

N/A

35

N/A

Total

1295

100

1362

100

1409

100

2073

100

1798

100

    Note: The information in this table corresponds to data reported by police services serving 99.95% of the Canadian population. Hate crimes for which the motive was unknown are excluded from the calculation of the percentages. Percentages may not add up to 100 due to rounding. Adapted from Statistique Canada, Centre canadien de la statistique juridique et de la sécurité des collectivités, Programme de déclaration uniforme de la criminalité fondé sur l’affaire. Retrieved from https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/fr/pub/85-002-x/2020001/article/00003-fra.pdf?st=9fKLkafM.

  • 1Includes motivations based on race or ethnicity not reported elsewhere (e.g., Latin American, South American), as well as hate crimes that target more than one race or more than one ethnic group.

  • 2Includes motivations based on a religion not declared elsewhere (e.g., Sikh, Hindu, Buddhism).

  • 3Inlcudes motivations based on mental or physical health disabilities, gender, age, and other similar factors (e.g., profession or political views).

  • N/A = Unable to calculate.

Increase in Islamophobia in Canada

In the past few years alone, there have been several high-profile cases of hate crimes against Canadian Muslims. On January 29, 2017, six Muslim people were shot dead in a Québec City Mosque (Austen & Smith, 2017). On September 12, 2020, a Muslim person standing outside of a mosque near Toronto was stabbed to death (CBC News, 2020). Additionally, on June 6, 2021, four Muslim people were killed by a driver who purposefully hit them with a car in London, Ontario (Westoll & LeBel, 2021). Though these are just a few high-profile incidents highlighted by Canadian media, these events are not isolated. Hate crime trends like those just mentioned have encouraged efforts by the Canadian government to “collect data to contextualize hate crime reports and to conduct needs assessments for impacted communities” (Canada Parliament, House of Commons, Member motion, 2017). These efforts include assessing different sources of information pertaining to hate crimes, including police reports and surveys.

While police-recorded hate crimes represent one source of information on the experiences of the Canadian Muslim community, additional evidence on the occurrence, nature, and impact of hate crimes is provided by self-reporting and media reports. For example, a survey of Canadian Muslims in 2002 by the Canadian Council on American Islamic Relations found that 56% of respondents experienced at least one anti-Muslim incident in the twelve months since 9/11 (CAIR-CAN, 2002). Further, the Canadian Islamic Congress (CIC, 2003) noted a 1600% increase in the incidence of anti-Muslim hate crimes reported to them following the incidents of 9/11. Comparatively, hate crimes against Muslims in the US have been found to be 5 times more common than before the 9/11 attacks (Samari, 2016). Additionally, in a poll recorded after 9/11, it was found that 60% of Americans reported adverse sentiments toward Muslims (Samari, 2016). Further, the Council on American-Islamic Relations reported that after the attacks in Paris, France on November 13, 2015, there was an increase in threats, violence, and discriminatory acts targeting Muslim Americans and those perceived as Muslim (Samari, 2016). In addition, negative media coverage contributes to the perpetuation of Islamophobic views because in social situations, Muslims are seen as the “enemy” (Considine, 2017). Further perpetuating Islamophobia, attacks committed by Muslims had an average of 449% more coverage in the media than attacks committed by non-Muslims (Considine, 2017). Negative media depictions and self-reported increases in Islamophobia post-9/11 may help explain the disproportionate hate crimes experienced by Muslims, not only in Canada but internationally as well.

Consequences of Islamophobia and Psychological Well-Being

Islamophobia against Muslim Canadians has been reported in the form of negative attitudes towards this marginalized population (Wilkins-Laflamme, 2018). The consequences of Islamophobia are widespread and impact many facets of well-being. Islamophobia leading to hate crimes can have negative impacts both socially and psychologically. For example, Muslim Canadians that have experienced hate crimes have reported economic burdens due to having to change jobs, having to use a car out of fear of harassment on the public transport system, and even having to change to more secure living locations (Mercier-Dalphond & Helly, 2021).

The economic burden from these hate crimes is not the only consequence of Islamophobia. Psychological distress and decreased well-being are also commonly reported effects of hate crimes (Lefevor et al., 2018; Padela & Heisler, 2011). Psychological distress is defined as non-specific symptoms of stress, anxiety, and depression such as feeling nervous, restless or fidgety, hopeless, sad, and worthless (Kessler et al., 2002; Viertiö et al., 2021). Further, psychological distress can also be defined as specific clinical features, including symptoms of depression, anxiety, and somatic symptoms (such as lack of energy or headaches) (Drapeau et al., 2012). Psychological distress can have far-reaching effects on overall health, including an increased mortality risk (Barry et al., 2020). Therefore, understanding the psychological consequences of Islamophobia and hate crimes is incredibly important.

Experiencing crime of any nature is distressing, but hate crimes are particularly damaging as victims are more likely to experience psychological distress, such as feeling nervous, anxious, or depressed; anger; and safety concerns compared to victims of other types of crime (Altemeyer, 1996; Boeckmann & Turpin-Petrosino, 2002; Gerstenfeld, 2011). For example, findings on the impacts of hate crimes against sexual and religious minorities in America indicate that victims of religiously-motivated hate crimes experience increased psychological distress (Lefevor et al., 2018; Padela & Heisler, 2011). This discrimination is not only associated with psychological distress but can lead to various other health problems like depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and suicide (Assari & Lankarani, 2017). Specifically, Lowe et al. (2018) found that discrimination against Muslim American college students was associated with a high mental health burden, with 42.9% of students being classified as having symptoms of major depression or generalized anxiety disorder.

Similarly, in Canada, there is evidence that the intersection of race and religion contributes to the experience of psychological distress. Specifically, Rousseau et al. (2011) found that psychological distress was significantly more elevated among Arab Canadians that were Muslim. However, these authors did not examine the impact of hate crimes on the psychological distress of these populations. Expanding on previous findings regarding experiences of distress among Canadian Muslims (Rousseau et al., 2011) and the mental health impacts of hate crimes on American Muslims (Lefevor et al., 2019, and Padela & Heisler, 2011), the current study assessed the psychological distress that follows hate crime experiences among Muslims in Canada. Psychological distress can have far-reaching effects on overall health (such as anxiety disorders) (Barry et al., 2020). Therefore, understanding the psychological impact of religion and race-based (such as Islamophobia motivated) hate crimes on Muslims in Canada is imperative to improving the health and well-being of racial and religious minority populations.

Present Study

The primary goals of the present study were to document and describe Canadian Muslims’ experiences of hate crime, including the extent, nature, and context of these crimes, and to examine the correlation of psychological distress after experiencing a hate crime. The first objective was to consider diversity in hate crime experiences among Muslim communities, for example, by considering differences based on gender, age, immigration history, ethnicity, and geographic region. The second objective was to consider the impacts of victimization on self-reported psychological distress. Specifically, the research questions were: 1) Which factors predict the probability of being a victim of verbal aggression (1a) or physical assault? (1b), and 2) Which factors predict overall psychological distress after victimization? This study addressed these questions based on survey data collected from Muslims across Canada. The results indicated that 74% of total participants reported experiencing verbal aggression, and 63% reported experiencing physical assaults. While there were no discernible risk factors for verbal aggression, living in Vancouver and self-identifying as visibly Muslim was associated with a greater likelihood of physical assault. Being physically assaulted, being a woman, and self-identifying as visibly Muslim were all associated with experiencing greater psychological distress after hate crime victimization. These findings provide a valuable snapshot of the experiences of Muslims living in Canada, further contributing to research on hate crimes against marginalized populations.

Measures and Methods

Sampling Strategy

To develop a random sample, we used an innovative sampling strategy known as Respondent-Driven Sampling (RDS). RDS is based on Markov chain mathematics and social networking theory, and has been successfully employed by researchers seeking to identify and conduct research with hard-to-reach populations that may be widely dispersed. Briefly, RDS begins by identifying a small number (15 in this case) of “seed” respondents in the target community. These seeds must be motivated individuals who will be asked to distribute the survey to three different people in the identified community, and so on. This method is described in greater detail in Perry and Alvi (2011).

For this survey, six Canadian cities were selected (Calgary, Edmonton, Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, and Vancouver). The researchers, onsite research assistants, and members of local Muslim organizations facilitated the identification and solicitation of 15 initial seeds per city, emphasizing diverse representation from across Muslim communities. The seeds were preferentially selected based on whether they had a large social network, were respected members of the community, and would be able to recruit others to participate in the study (Heckathorn, 1997; 2002). The seeds were provided with a link for the online survey, as well as contact information for the research team, including community collaborators.

To be eligible to participate, the respondents had to identify as Muslim. To recruit survey respondents through chain referrals, all survey respondents, including the seeds, were asked to recruit three other individuals to complete the survey as well. Information about how to refer someone to the study was included in the survey. To prevent duplicate responses, each person was assigned a unique identification number that they entered in the survey. If participants did not have access to a computer or other device, participants were able to complete the survey at a partner agency site or at the university of one of the research team members.

Measures

The survey consisted of 48 questions about experiences related to being Muslim, being the victim of a hate crime, psychological distress, and sociodemographic information. The questions were adapted from a pilot study conducted in Ontario, Canada (Perry & Alvi, 2011). The survey was available in both French and English, and took approximately 45 minutes to complete.

Ethnic Identification

Participants were asked to identify their own ethnicities. These were then regrouped into 7 categories: Asian, Canadian/European, Maghreb, Middle Eastern, Sub-Saharan African, Turk, and Mixed ethnicity. Mixed ethnicity was given to any participant that indicated more than one ethnicity. These regrouped categories were recoded as dummy (binary) variables. For example, for Asian ethnicity ( yes = 1; no = 0). See Table 2 for demographics.

Table 2.

Sample Demographic Statistics Compared to the Canadian Muslim Population

Sample demographics

Canadian Muslim population1

Variable

N

%

N

%

Gender

 1. Men

84

41.0

391,465

51.3

 2. Women

119

58.0

369,060

48.7

 3. Other

2

1.0

N/A

N/A

Total

205

100.0

760,525

100.0

Born in Canada

 1. Yes

60

26.1

83,895

11.5

 2. No

170

73.9

643,330

88.5

Total

230

100.0

727,225

100.0

Region

 Calgary and Edmonton

9

4.0

72,205

11.2

 Ottawa

22

9.8

46,835

7.3

 Montréal

62

27.7

155,340

24.1

 Toronto

50

22.3

311,700

48.4

 Vancouver

27

12.1

58,160

9.0

Total

224

100.0

644,240

100.0

Age range

 18–24

36

19.4

164,1552

22.9

 25–30

26

14.0

176,1453

24.7

 31–34

27

14.5

N/A

N/A

 35–40

44

23.7

179,2604

25.1

 41–44

19

10.2

N/A

N/A

 45–50

20

10.8

126,0955

17.7

 51+

14

6.1

68,4106

9.6

Total

186

100.0

714,065

100.0

Education

 No certificate, diploma, or degree

2

1.0

59,370

10.8

 High school diploma or equivalent

14

6.9

101,220

18.4

 Trades or apprenticeship certificate or diploma

2

1.0

31,800

5.8

 Certificate or diploma from a college, CEGEP, or other

20

9.9

73,185

13.3

 University certificate or diploma below bachelor’s degree

10

4.9

43,820

8.0

 Bachelor’s university degree

71

35.0

126,195

22.9

 Master’s university degree

64

31.5

114,3157

20.8

 Degree in medicine, dentistry, veterinary medicine

2

1.0

N/A

N/A

 Doctorate degree

18

8.9

N/A

N/A

Total

203

100.0

549,9108

100.0

Self-identified as visibly Muslim

 1. Yes

140

63.9

N/A

N/A

 2. No

79

36.1

N/A

N/A

Total

219

100.0

N/A

N/A

Ethnic group

 Asian (e.g. Afghan, Bangladeshi, Indian, Pakistani, etc.)

63

27.3

N/A

N/A

 European (e.g. Canadian, American, British, French, etc.)

8

3.5

N/A

N/A

 Maghreb (e.g. Algerian, Tunisian, Moroccan, etc.)

44

19.0

N/A

N/A

 Middle East (e.g. Arabic, Iranian, Iraqi, Lebanese, Syrian, etc.)

37

16.0

N/A

N/A

 Turk

18

7.8

N/A

N/A

 Sub-Saharan African (e.g. Ethiopian, Kenyan, Somalian, etc.)

13

5.6

N/A

N/A

 Mixed Ethnicity

43

18.6

N/A

N/A

Total

226

100.0

N/A

N/A

    Note:

  • 1Demographics derived from the Canadian National Household Survey, 2011 and are for people aged 15 years and over. The sample percentage is the valid percent and is based on the total listed.

  • 2Ages 15–24.

  • 3Ages 25–34.

  • 4Ages 35–44.

  • 5Ages 45–54.

  • 6Ages 55–64.

  • 7For education, the levels were based on those aged 25–64.

  • 8This includes any university certificate higher than a bachelor’s degree.

  • 9Demographics for the Canadian population ethnic groups are not grouped in a comparable way to the current manuscript groupings and therefore were not included. N/A = Not available.

Gender

Participants were asked to identify their gender (man = 1, woman = 0, other = NA). There were two cases that identified their gender as other and were therefore considered as “missing” in the analyses as there were too few to consider this third group.

Age Group

Participants were asked to identify their age group in years (18–24 = 1, 25–30 = 2, 31–34 = 3, 35–40 = 4, 41–44 = 5, 45–50 = 6, 51+= 7).

Born in Canada

Participants were asked whether they were born in Canada (yes = 1 or no = 0).

Region

Participants were asked to identify the region they were living in at the time of the survey (Calgary or Edmonton = 1, Ottawa = 2, Toronto = 3, Vancouver = 4, Montréal = 5). For the regression analyses, each of these levels were recoded into dummy variables (for example, lived in Ottawa (yes = 1; no = 0)).

Education

Participants were asked to indicate their highest educational attainment (No certificate, diploma, or degree = 1; High school diploma or equivalent = 2; Trades or apprenticeship certificate or diploma = 3; Certificate or diploma from a college, CEGEP, or other = 4; University certificate or diploma below bachelor’s degree = 5; Bachelor’s university degree = 6; Master’s university degree = 7; Degree in medicine, dentistry, veterinary medicine = 8; Doctorate degree = 9).

Visibly Muslim

Participants were asked if they felt they were easily identifiable as Muslim (yes = 1; no = 0).

Victimization

Participants were asked a total of 18 questions on how many times in the last year and since their arrival to Canada had they been verbally (for example, “received phone calls, texts, or emails that were humiliating or insulting”) or physically assaulted (for example, “had things purposely thrown at you”). If participants stated that an event occurred greater than 0 times to any of the verbal aggression questions, this was coded as “yes” for being the victim of verbal aggression (yes = 1; no = 0). If the participants answered “yes” to any of the physical assault questions, this was coded as “yes” for being the victim of physical assault (yes = 1; no = 0). See Table 3 for reported frequencies of victimization across the different sociodemographic characteristics.

Table 3.

Cross-tabulations of Frequency of Hate Crimes by Type and by Independent Variables

Verbal aggression

Physical assault

Variable

N

%

N

%

Gender

 Men

55

36.9

47

38.8

 Women

94

63.1

74

61.2

Total

149

100.0

121

100.0

Born in Canada

 Yes

44

27.3

35

26.9

 No

117

72.7

95

73.1

Total

161

100.0

130

100.0

Region

 Calgary/Edmonton

40

25.6

30

24.0

 Ottawa

17

10.9

14

11.2

 Montréal

44

28.2

35

28.0

 Toronto

32

20.5

26

20.8

 Vancouver

23

14.7

20

16.0

Total

156

100.0

125

100.0

Age range

 18–24

29

21.0

25

22.3

 25–30

22

15.9

18

16.1

 31–34

19

13.8

16

14.3

 35–40

30

21.7

24

21.4

 41–44

14

10.1

9

9.9

 45–50

15

10.9

13

11.6

 51+

9

6.5

7

6.3

Total

138

100.0

112

100.0

Education

 No certificate, diploma, or degree

1

.7

0

1.0

 High school diploma or equivalent

13

8.7

9

7.1

 Trades or apprenticeship certificate or diploma

0

0.0

0

1.0

 Certificate or diploma from a college, CEGEP, or other

15

10.0

11

9.2

 University certificate or diploma below bachelor’s degree

7

4.7

4

4.6

 Bachelor’s university degree

53

35.3

49

35.7

 Master’s university degree

45

30.0

38

31.6

 Degree in medicine, dentistry, veterinary medicine

1

0.7

0

1.0

 Doctorate degree

15

10.0

12

8.7

Total

150

100.0

123

100.0

Self-identified as visibly Muslim

 Yes

104

66.2

88

68.8

 No

53

33.8

40

31.3

Total

157

100.0

128

100.0

Ethnic group

 Asian (e.g., Afghan, Bangladeshi, Indian, Pakistani, etc.)

41

25.8

37

28.7

 European (e.g., Canadian, American, British, French, etc.)

5

3.1

4

3.1

 Maghreb (e.g., Algerian, Tunisian, Moroccan, etc.)

34

21.4

28

21.7

 Middle East (e.g., Arabic, Iranian, Iraqi, Lebanese, Syrian, etc.)

30

18.9

22

17.1

 Turk

5

3.1

5

3.9

 Sub-Saharan African (e.g., Senegalese, Ethiopian, Kenyan, etc.)

11

6.9

9

7.0

 Mixed Ethnicity

33

20.8

24

18.6

Total

159

100.0

129

100.0

    Note: The percentage is the valid percent and is based on the total listed.

Psychological Distress

This measure consisted of 14 items. Participants were asked how they felt after being a victim of verbal aggression or physical assault. They were asked to answer Yes, No, or I don’t know to statements such as, “I felt afraid.” An exploratory factor analysis revealed that five items should be retained to create a factor of psychological distress (for example, the factor loadings were all greater than .5, which is considered fair–good; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). These items with frequencies in brackets were: 1) “I felt ashamed/guilty” (18%); 2) “I felt afraid” (39%); 3) “I felt depressed” (36%); 4) “I lost confidence” (30%); and 5) “I was less productive at work” (21%).

A factor score was generated for each participant based on these items (M = −0.03, SD = 1.00). The higher the score, the more distress the participant experienced.

Statistical Analyses

The first set of analyses included descriptive statistics for the demographic characteristics of those that reported being a victim of verbal aggression or physical assault. To address the research questions, three regression models were used. To address the first research questions (1a and 1b), two separate logistic regression models were estimated with verbal aggression and physical assault as the outcome variables. Gender; age group; education; ethnic group; self-identifying as visibly Muslim, Immigrant, or Canadian born; and the geographical region they are in were the independent variables. To address the second research question, a third linear regression model predicting psychological distress included the same independent variables with the addition of verbal aggression and physical assault as independent variables.

Results

Sample Demographics

The sample consisted of 231 participants2. The percentages reported in text are the rounded valid percentages (excluding missing cases). The sample had slightly more women (58%) than men (41%). Two participants reported not identifying with either man or woman (1%), but given the low case count, they were excluded from the regressions. Within the sample, 74% were not born in Canada. The ethnicities in order of decreasing frequency were Asian (27%), Maghreb (19%), Mixed Ethnicity (19%), Middle Eastern (16%), Sub-Saharan African (6%), Turk (8%), and Canadian/European (4%). Most of the participants were younger than 40 years old (72%). The sample had overall high levels of education. For example, 35% reported having a Bachelor’s degree, 32% reported having a Master’s degree, and 9% reported having a Doctoral degree. Approximately 1% of the sample reported not having any degree.

In terms of other characteristics, 64% of the sample reported that they self-identified as visibly Muslim. See Table 2 for more demographic information and how the key variables compare to the population of Muslims in Canada.

Demographics of Those That Experienced Hate Crimes

In the current sample, 74% reported being a victim of verbal aggression, and 63% reported being a victim of physical assault. To further understand the socio-demographics of those that experienced assaults, cross-tabulations were used (see Table 3). The key observations from the current sample are that higher levels of verbal aggression or physical assaults respectively were observed in women (63%; 61%), those not born in Canada (73%; 73%), persons residing in Montréal (28%; 28%), persons between the ages 18–24 (21%; 22%) and between the ages 35–40 (22%; 21%), those self-identifying as visibly Muslim (66%; 69%), and persons identifying as Asian (26%; 29%). See Table 3 for hate crime frequencies presented by these independent variables.

Predictors of Verbal Aggression (Model 1)

In the logistic regression model with verbal aggression as the outcome, the model fit was χ2 = 27.11, df = 15, p = .028, r2 = .15 (Cox & Snell R-Square). There were no significant associations between sociodemographic characteristics and having been a victim of verbal aggression. See Table 4a.

Table 4a.

Logistic Regression Results for Verbal Aggression

B

S.E.

OR

Gender (Man = 1; Woman = 0)

−.584

.440

.557

Born in Canada (Yes = 1; No = 0)

−.156

.542

.855

Age group

−.063

.122

.939

Educational attainment

−.014

.129

.986

Self-identified as visibly Muslim (Yes = 1; No = 0)

.443

.439

1.558

Region Calgary and Edmonton

.298

.670

1.347

Region Ottawa

1.288

.902

3.627

Region Toronto

1.412

.849

4.103

Region Vancouver

1.670

.998

5.311

Ethnicity Asian

−.628

1.323

.534

Ethnicity Maghreb

.586

1.353

1.797

Ethnicity Middle East

.255

1.331

1.290

Ethnicity Sub-Sahelian African

.305

1.491

1.356

Ethnicity Turk

−2.420

1.505

.089

Ethnicity Mixed

.351

1.324

1.421

    Note: χ2 = 27.11, df = 15, p = .028, r2 = .15 (Cox & Snell R-Square). N = 166

    The reference group for the region was Montreal. The reference group for the ethnicity was Canadian/European.

  • ***p <0.001;

  • **p <0.01;

  • *p <0.05

Predictors of Physical Assault (Model 2)

In the logistic regression model with physical assault as the outcome, the model fit was χ2 = 31.37, df = 15, p = .008, r2 = .17 (Cox & Snell R-Square). The only significant associations with the likelihood of being a victim of physical assault were self-identifying as visibly Muslim and living in Vancouver. Specifically, when the participant self-identified as visibly Muslim, they were three times more likely to have experienced a physical assault compared to those that did not self-identify as visibly Muslim (b = 1.18, OR = 3.27, p = .004). If the participant lived in Vancouver, they were nine times more likely to have experienced a physical assault compared to living in Montréal (b = 2.24, OR = 9.42, p = .009). See Table 4b.

Table 4b.

Logistic Regression Results for Physical Assault

B

S.E.

OR

Gender (Man = 1; Woman = 0)

−.018

.393

.982

Born in Canada (Yes = 1; No = 0)

−.387

.476

.679

Age group

−.065

.111

.937

Educational attainment

.170

.112

1.186

Self-identified as visibly (Yes = 1; No = 0)

1.184**

.408

3.268

Region Calgary and Edmonton

.004

.555

1.004

Region Ottawa

.794

.678

2.213

Region Toronto

1.066

.666

2.904

Region Vancouver

2.242**

.864

9.417

Ethnicity Asian

.713

1.040

2.039

Ethnicity Maghreb

1.311

1.098

3.711

Ethnicity Middle East

1.073

1.064

2.924

Ethnicity Sub-Sahelian African

1.626

1.228

5.085

Ethnicity Turk

−.992

1.243

.371

Ethnicity Mixed

1.173

1.053

3.230

    Note: χ2 = 31.37, df = 15, p = .008, r2 = .17 (Cox & Snell R-Square). N = 164

    The reference group for the region was Montreal. The reference group for the ethnicity was Canadian/European.

  • ***p <0.001;

  • **p <0.01;

  • *p <0.05

Impacts of Victimization

Participants were asked to report on how they felt psychologically after experiencing verbal aggression or physical assaults. The final measure as described above represents a factor score derived from the following feelings: feeling ashamed/guilty, feeling afraid; feeling depressed; feeling a loss of confidence; and feeling less productive at work.

Predictors of Psychological Distress (Model 3)

In the regression model with psychological distress as the outcome, the model fit was F(17, 104) = 3.099, df = 17, p <.001, r2 = .34. The significant associations with psychological distress were being a woman (coded as zero) (b = −.49, p = .007), self-identifying as visibly Muslim (b = .46, p = .018), residing in Vancouver (b = .84, p = .015), and being a victim of physical assault (b = .70, p < .001). See Table 4c.

Table 4c.

Regression Results for Psychological Distress

B

S.E.

Gender (Man = 1; Woman = 0)

−.491**

.178

Born in Canada (Yes = 1; No = 0)

.236

.211

Age group

.051

.052

Educational attainment

−.068

.050

Self-identified as visibly Muslim (Yes = 1; No = 0)

.461*

.192

Region Calgary and Edmonton

.310

.260

Region Ottawa

.331

.295

Region Toronto

.335

.299

Region Vancouver

.843*

.341

Ethnicity Asia

−.621

.492

Ethnicity Maghreb

−.800

.509

Ethnicity Middle East

−.769

.486

Ethnicity Sub-Sahelian African

−.540

.555

Ethnicity Turk

.106

.609

Ethnicity Mixed

−.483

.486

Verbal aggression

.223

.377

Physical assault

.700***

.199

    Note: F(17, 104) = 3.099, df = 17, p <.001, r2 = .34.

    The reference group for the region was Montreal. The reference group for the ethnicity was Canadian/European.

  • ***p <0.001;

  • **p <0.01;

  • *p <0.05

Discussion

Hate crimes are harmful for victims as they tend to experience marked changes in their health and well-being after experiencing such events (Barry et al., 2020; Boeckmann, & Turpin-Petrosino, 2002; Gerstenfeld, 2011; Lefevor et al., 2018; Padela & Heisler, 2011). In particular, religiously motivated hate crimes and Islamophobia in Canada contribute to the distress experienced by Muslims living in Canada (Wilkins-Laflamme, 2018). This study sought to explore the distressing experiences of Canadian Muslims in response to hate crime victimization, providing a snapshot of the consequences of hate crimes against Muslims from different metropolitan areas across Canada.

The primary goal of the present study was to document and describe Canadian Muslims’ experiences of hate crime, including examining predictors of psychological distress after experiencing these hate crimes. The findings from the current study are in line with previous research about racially and religiously motivated hate crimes and the psychological distress associated with being victims of these crimes (Barry et al., 2020; Boeckmann, & Turpin-Petrosino, 2002; Gerstenfeld, 2011; Lefevor e al., 2018; Padela & Heisler, 2011). Specifically, in the current study, self-identifying as visibly Muslim resulted in a three-fold increase in probability of experiencing physical assault. Additionally, participants residing in Vancouver compared to Montréal also had a greater probability of experiencing physical assault. Though the increased victimization risk for those identifying as visibly Muslim is in line with previous research, the increased risk of experiencing physical assault for those living in Vancouver is surprising. For instance, recent legislative changes in Québec would have led to the expectation that Islamophobia may be more likely in the city of Montreal compared to Vancouver. This is particularly the case given the passing of Bill 21 in 2019, which prohibits wearing religious symbols in the workplace for civil servants, employees in positions of authority, and public sector teachers (https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/bill-21). Future research investigating the particular climate leading to more physical assaults of Muslims living in Vancouver is warranted.

Further, in the current study, psychological distress was predicted by being a woman, self-identifying as visibly Muslim, residing in Vancouver compared to Montreal, and being a victim of physical assault. Moreover, compared to Ameli and Merali (2014), the current sample exhibited higher incidence of physical assault (56.3% versus 11%). One such reason why this sample might have a higher incidence of physical assault could be due to the slight overrepresentation of Muslim women. This would align with statistics across Canada where Muslim women are most often the target of physical hate crimes (Moreau, 2021). Further, there may be a self-selection bias, where victims were more likely to respond to the survey because the hate crimes they experienced caused distress. This could have led to an overrepresentation of individuals in the sample who experienced hate crimes, and specifically physical assault. The present findings are also in line with previous research demonstrating that women are more likely to experience psychological distress (Viertiö et al., 2021). The results of the current study provide further evidence of psychological distress in response to hate crime victimization among Canadian women who are Muslim. Further, the present results suggest that the Muslim community, and Muslim women in particular, may need additional support to address issues related to the experience of hate crimes and the negative consequences, such as psychological distress. Lastly, the present findings help elucidate the intersectionality of religious, racioethnic, and gender identity in the context of experiencing hate crimes, and the impacts of such experiences on mental health.

Although this study provides an exploratory overview of the predictors and impacts of hate crimes against Muslims, there are several limitations. First, the sample is small. Despite more than 500 invitations having been sent and with a response rate of 45%, there were still only 230 participants. Second, the sample is not representative of the broader Muslim population, and therefore the results might not be generalizable. The participants had much higher educational attainment than the Canadian Muslim population (Statistics Canada, 2011). Those with lower educational attainment may have been more difficult to reach using a respondent-driven sampling methodology. Additionally, language proficiency might have represented an additional barrier for those not fluent in English or French. The sample, which drew more heavily from residents of Montreal, was also not representative of the distribution of the Muslim population across Canada, who tend to primarily reside in Toronto. This is partially due to difficulties with recruiting in that location. Though the results of this study might not reflect the experiences of the broader Muslim community, this study was able to obtain information from a hard-to-reach population, allowing us to better understand the impacts of hate crimes on Muslims.

Despite these limitations, this study demonstrated an important first step in establishing research examining the impacts of hate crime on Muslims and the psychological distress they experience, especially for Muslim women. The results presented here demonstrate the interconnectedness of factors such as gender and ethnicity in explaining hate crime experiences of Canadian Muslims. Future research and policy should consider these sociodemographic contexts to elucidate and address the impacts of hate crimes (such as psychological distress). By understanding the effects of hate crimes on Muslim populations, we can better address the needs of these communities and appropriately allocate resources in order to improve the health and well-being of these populations.

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Notes

  1. A visible minority is defined by Statistics Canada as “A visible minority refers to whether a person is a visible minority or not, as defined by the Employment Equity Act. The Employment Equity Act defines visible minorities as “persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour”. The visible minority population consists mainly of the following groups: South Asian, Chinese, Black, Filipino, Arab, Latin American, Southeast Asian, West Asian, Korean and Japanese.” (https://www23.statcan.gc.ca/imdb/p3Var.pl?Function=DEC'Id=45152)
  2. One participant didn’t answer enough of the questions to be included in any analyses and variables varied in missingness from 0.4%-32.5% of data; cases with missing data were excluded from the analyses.