Posted by JMMH Editorial Team on 2026-04-15

Iman Mahoui
Ummesalmah Abdulbaseer
Huma Manjra
Hamza Syed
Fahad Khan
Mohamed Hamouda
Rania Awaad
Aasim I. Padela

Religious coping strategies are often used during difficult times, including health-related challenges. The role of religious coping strategies in health outcomes among minority groups is understudied. Among Muslims, religiosity serves as a framework for navigating life experiences, which often include health-related behaviors and outcomes. This study investigated the relationship between religious coping and subjective health among Muslim Americans. Participants (N = 1278) completed a voluntary, self-administered survey that assessed measures of religious coping and self-rated health status. Both negative and positive religious coping were significantly correlated with health status. Utilizing an ordered logistic regression model, we found that higher positive religious coping scores were associated with better overall subjective health. Inversely, negative religious coping scores demonstrated an adverse effect on overall subjective health. Additionally, gender was a strong predictor of overall subjective health, as respondents who identified as male reported higher subjective health scores. The findings suggest that Muslims living in the United States use religious coping in their daily lives, and that positive and negative religious coping are both independent predictors of overall subjective Muslim health.

 

Introduction

Coping strategies play a central role in how individuals manage life’s challenges, and their effectiveness has been linked to both psychological and physical health outcomes (Ano & Vasconcelles, 2005). One such strategy, religious coping, has received growing attention for its significance among individuals for whom religion is an important aspect of identity. Religious coping refers to the use of religious beliefs or practices to manage stress, and has been categorized in terms of both positive religious coping (such as seeking comfort in a benevolent higher power) and negative religious coping (such as spiritual struggle or feeling punished by God) (Pargament et al., 2001). It is important to note that positive religious coping is not an inherently adaptive coping strategy, and negative religious coping is not an inherently maladaptive coping strategy. Religious coping research, including this study, aims to explore whether positive and negative religious coping, used in response to various life challenges, contributes positively or negatively to overall health outcomes.

This question is particularly relevant in the context of Muslim Americans, a religious minority group in the U.S. that reports frequent use of religious coping but remains underrepresented in health research. Studies have shown that Muslims are more likely than members of other religious groups to report using religious and spiritual coping strategies to manage distress (Loewenthal et al., 2001; Tepper et al., 2001; Adam & Ward, 2016), including in response to systemic discrimination, Islamophobia, and global events like the COVID-19 pandemic (Thomas & Barbato, 2020). Despite this, few studies have examined whether such coping strategies are associated with better or worse health outcomes in this population. Importantly, while the connection between religious coping and psychological well-being has received more intuitive and empirical attention, its relationship with physical health is less explored. By assessing the relationship between religious coping and overall subjective health, this study aims to offer a more comprehensive understanding of how these coping strategies impact the lived experiences of Muslim Americans.

Religious coping methods, as first defined by Pargament and colleagues (1998), are efforts an individual takes to understand and cope with life stressors in ways related to the sacred, those traditionally associated with God, as well as aspects of life that are related to the Divine. To measure religious coping and the extent to which it is used to deal with serious life events, Pargament developed scales that reflect five religious functions: meaning, control, comfort, intimacy, and life transformation. Two types of religious coping have been identified in the literature: positive and negative. Whereas positive religious coping refers to strategies such as turning towards religion for meaning and support (e.g., benevolent religious appraisals and spiritual comfort) and negative religious coping reflects religious doubt and struggle (e.g., reappraisals of God and spiritual discontent) (Pargament et al., 2011). However, it is important to note that this established typology of positive versus negative religious coping is contentious, as it was created considering a specific worldview and, as such, may not be cross-culturally accepted.

The development of standardized religious coping scales has driven a large scholarly body of psychological research dedicated to investigating the mediating role of religious coping in the association between stress and health outcomes. Several studies have demonstrated significant associations between both positive and negative religious coping and health status across various demographics and belief systems (Contrada et al., 2004; Ironson & Kremer, 2009; Tarakeshwar & Pargament, 2001). Among Muslims globally, research has repeatedly demonstrated an association between negative religious coping and psychiatric disorders, including depression and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), as well as a corresponding inverse relationship between positive religious coping and depression (Abu-Raiya & Jamal 2021; Aflakseir & Mahdiyar, 2016; Berzengi et al., 2017; Mahamid & Bdier, 2021; Sharif et al., 2018; Thomas & Barbato, 2020). Although the bulk of the literature surrounding religious coping has identified the strongest associations between religious coping and mental health outcomes such as depression, anxiety, and PTSD, there is also accumulating evidence linking religion and spirituality to a variety of other health outcomes (Koenig et al., 2004; Matthews et al., 1998; Sherman et al., 2009).

Muslim Americans make up approximately 1.1% of the U.S. population, representing around 3.5 million people, and the percentage is rapidly growing, with Muslims projected to become the second largest religious group in the U.S. after Christians by 2040 (Pew Research Center, 2017). However, while almost two-thirds of Muslim Americans (65%) say religion is a crucial aspect of their lives, research exploring the role of religious coping on various health outcomes among Muslim Americans has been sparse (Pew Research Center, 2017). Moreover, the limited research available demonstrates mixed findings. For example, while some studies have reported that positive and negative religious coping are predictive of depressive symptoms (Abu-Raiya et al., 2011; Ahmad et al., 2023; Areba et al., 2018), others have not. In a study among Muslim Pakistani college students, negative religious coping predicted depressive symptoms while positive religious coping did not provide a buffering effect (Khan & Watson, 2006). Other studies conducted by AIP (a co-author on this paper) and colleagues exploring the relationship between negative religious coping and delayed healthcare seeking among Muslim women found no association at all (Vu et al., 2016), while another found that negative religious coping was associated with a lower probability of obtaining a pap smear (Padela et al., 2014). The scarcity of and variability within the existing literature underlie the importance of further exploring the relationship between religious coping and health outcomes among Muslim Americans. Building on the established significance of religious coping in health outcomes, this study seeks to further explore this relationship by specifically focusing on the subjective health of Muslim Americans.

This study aims to examine the relationship between religious coping and subjective health among Muslims living in the United States. For this study, any usage of the term “Muslim Americans” will refer specifically to Muslims living in the United States. The study hypothesizes that Muslim Americans who engage in positive religious coping strategies will exhibit a positive correlation with subjective health outcomes. Conversely, the study hypothesizes that Muslim Americans who engage in negative religious coping strategies will exhibit a negative correlation with subjective health outcomes. In addition, given the diverse nature of the Muslim American population, the study hypothesizes that the relationship between religious coping and subjective health will be impacted by demographic characteristics such as gender, age, race or ethnicity, and immigration status.

Methods

Design

Led by the Initiative on Islam & Medicine (II&M), a non-profit research and educational institution, this research was conducted as part of a larger project titled the Muslim American Health & Spiritual Needs (MAHSN) study. The project involved multi-organizational and community-engaged collaboration through a national steering committee and regional recruitment teams. The National Steering Committee included representatives from II&M, as well as five other Muslim community organizations: the Association of Muslim Chaplains, Khalil Center, IMAN Network, Stanford Muslim Mental Health Lab, and the Islamic Medical Association of North America. Representatives from these organizations assisted with survey administration, participant recruitment, data analysis, and interpretation. Regional recruitment teams were based in eight major metropolises with large Muslim populations in the United States (Chicago, IL; Columbus, OH; Fort Lauderdale, FL; Kansas City, MO; Minneapolis, MN; Orlando, FL; Santa Clara, CA; and Washington, DC) and operated at the direction of the steering committee. Human subjects research oversight and approval were granted by the Biological Sciences Division of the University of Chicago’s Institutional Review Board (IRB #20-1501).

 

Participant Recruitment and Data Collection

 

A purposive sampling technique was used to recruit participants from major metropolises with large Muslim populations in the United States. We recruited adult, English-literate Muslim Americans to participate in voluntary, self-administered surveys from 2020 through 2021. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the recruitment model was based on four phases of participant recruitment: clinics, mosques, conferences, and social media. Regional project teams across the country (Boston, MA; Chicago, IL; Columbus, OH; Davie, FL; Kansas City, Kansas; Minneapolis, MN; Orlando, FL; and Santa Clara, CA) met monthly to strategize over recruitment. Prior to the pandemic, the bulk of recruitment was done in person at mosques and clinics. However, during the pandemic, a virtual recruitment method utilizing social media campaigns was implemented.

Regional project leads and volunteers distributed digital surveys through social media groups, listservs, community WhatsApp groups, and by directly reaching out to friends and family. The National Steering Committee also assisted in recruiting a broad range of participants and distributing surveys through their social media platforms. Inclusion criteria included respondents who identified as Muslim. Exclusion criteria included individuals under the age of 18 and individuals with incomplete survey responses. Informational flyers describing study goals were distributed, and completion of the survey served as implied consent. Participants were not compensated.

Survey Instrument and Key Measures

 

Outcome Variables

To assess overall subjective health, we opted to employ a single-item measure derived from the 36-Item Short Form Health Survey (SF-36), as it has been shown to predict mortality independently (DeSalvo et al., 2006; Ware & Sherbourne, 1992). The question stem was as follows: “Overall, how would you rate your health over the past 4 weeks?” with response categories of: very poor, poor, fair, good, very good, and excellent.

 

Predictor Variables

Sample demographics assessed included age, gender, race or ethnicity, and immigration status. Age was denoted in years. Gender was categorized as male or female. Five categories were included to assess for race or ethnicity: South Asian, Arab, African American/Black, European/White, and Other. Immigration status categories were as follows: Born in the U.S., immigrated as an adult, and immigrated as a child.

The Psychological Measure of Islamic Religiousness (PMIR) survey tool was first developed and validated by Abu-Raiya and colleagues (2008), and it contains numerous subscales, including the “Punishing Allah Reappraisal” and “Islamic Positive Religious Coping and Identification” subscales used in this study. The reliability coefficients of the subscales were found to be 0.77 and 0.88, respectively. Overall, the subscales of the PMIR demonstrated discriminant, convergent, concurrent, and incremental validity (Abu-Raiya et al., 2008). 

Islamic negative religious coping was measured using the three-item Punishing Allah Reappraisal subscale, which assesses whether individuals view life events as punishments from God. It is an adapted version of the original scale, which had seven items and was bidirectional. The three items in the scale are as follows: (1) “I believe I am being punished by Allah for the bad actions I did,” (2) “I wonder what I did for Allah to punish me,” and (3) “I feel punished by Allah for my lack of devotion.” Respondents rated their agreement to these statements along a four-point Likert-type agreement scale: completely disagree, slightly disagree, slightly agree, and completely agree.

While the Punishing Allah Reappraisal subscale has been commonly used to assess negative religious coping in literature, its use and interpretation in Muslim populations warrant further comment. In Islamic theology, punishments can encompass a wide range of calamities that befall individuals and societies owing to their wrongdoings or disobedience to God (Khan & Mustafa, 2021). However, such punishments can also be interpreted as an opportunity to draw closer to God and inspire spiritual growth through sincere repentance and trust in His wisdom (Awaad et al., 2021). Consequently, appraising hardship as a form of divine punishment may not strictly indicate maladaptive coping among Muslims. Rather than reflecting a purely negative appraisal, Muslims may view such hardships as redemptive appraisal. They may perceive punishment as a form of divine mercy that encourages self-correction, moral accountability, and spiritual purification. As a result, labeling these appraisals as negative coping may not be fully accurate theologically or psychologically. This complexity notwithstanding, the three items from the Punishing Allah Reappraisal subscale accurately portray an internal view towards God’s displeasure with oneself and an interpretation that events that befall one are attributable to that displeasure. Therefore, for ease of comparison to other work, we attach the label of negative coping to the subscale above.

Islamic positive religious coping was measured using the seven-item Islamic Positive Religious Coping & Identification subscale, which assesses the extent to which individuals seek God’s assistance in dealing with life stressors. The seven items in the scale are as follows: (1) “I look for a stronger connection with Allah,” (2) “I consider that a test from Allah to deepen my belief,” (3) “ I seek Allah’s love and care,” (4) “I read the Holy Qur’an to find consolation,” (5) “I ask Allah’s forgiveness,” (6) “I remind myself that Allah commanded me to be patient,” and (7) “I do what I can and put the rest in Allah’s hands.” Respondents rated their agreement to these statements along a four-point Likert-type agreement scale: completely disagree, slightly disagree, slightly agree, and completely agree.

 

Data Transformation and Analysis

 

REDCAP data was first filtered to exclude respondents who were younger than 18 years of age and respondents who did not specify a religious affiliation. Data transformation and “cleaning” then proceeded in the following manner: (i) survey responses were recoded into numeric values with higher numbers indicating greater levels of agreement (e.g., “completely disagree” was coded as 1 while a response of  “completely agree” was coded as 4), and then averaged in a linear fashion to generate a mean score for each subscale, and (ii) respondents with incomplete or skipped survey responses were considered invalid and excluded from further analyses. 

To assess the internal consistency reliability of the measurement scales, we calculated Cronbach's alpha coefficient (ɑ) by computing the mean inter-item covariance and the mean item variance for all items within a scale. The coefficient can range from 0 to 1, with higher values indicating greater internal consistency. Although values above 0.70 are widely considered acceptable based on the work of Nunnally (1978), a more stringent cut-off value of 0.8 was used in this study, which is considered acceptable for basic research beyond exploratory research, such as scale development (Lance et al., 2006). The Cronbach’s ɑ in our sample was 0.874 for positive religious coping and 0.869 for negative religious coping.

Bivariate analyses were conducted between each of the independent and dependent variables of interest using independent sample t-tests, Spearman and Pearson correlations, or one-way ANOVAs as appropriate. In addition to the primary independent variables, positive and negative religious coping, bivariate analyses of demographic factors (e.g., gender, age, ethnicity or race, and immigration status) were conducted to determine if they were predictors of overall subjective health among participants. Variables initially identified as potential covariates underwent subsequent analyses to establish any additional associations with the predictor variables, namely positive and negative religious coping.

Independent variables identified as covariates that reached statistical significance of p <0.05 were carried forward into multivariable modeling. Ordinal logistic regression analyses were conducted to confirm the associations between positive religious coping, negative religious coping, and overall subjective health. The ordinal dependent variable was modeled using a proportional odds logistic regression. All statistical analyses were conducted using IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows, version 27 (IBM Corp., Armonk, N.Y., USA) or R Statistical Software (v1.2.5042; R Core Team 2021).

 

Results

Descriptive Statistics

 

After excluding ineligible respondents, the final sample consisted of 1,289 participants (see Table 1). Over half the sample was female (68%), and a significant proportion reported themselves as South Asian (38%) or Arab (37%). The sample was generally young, with a mean age of 38, and most participants were either born in the U.S. or immigrated to the U.S. as children (61%).

Table 2 displays descriptive statistics (mean, SD, and range) for the study’s main predictor and outcome variables (positive religious coping, negative religious coping, and overall subjective health) for the overall sample. On average, participants reported relatively high levels of positive religious coping with a mean score of 3.675 (Range = 1-4, SD = 0.454) and relatively high overall subjective health scores (M = 4.460, Range = 1-6, SD = 1.083). Participants reported comparatively low levels of negative religious coping with a mean score of 1.800 (SD = 0.817).

 

Bivariate Analyses

 

One-way ANOVA analyses revealed there were no significant differences in subjective health across race or ethnicity groups nor across immigration statuses. However, analyses revealed differences in subjective health based on age (r = -0.08, p < 0.01) with older individuals reporting poorer overall subjective health as well as differences across genders with men reporting better subjective health (M = 4.61 ± 1.044) than women (M=4.39 ± 1.092).

While correlational analyses revealed that age did not predict positive or negative religious coping, independent sample t-tests between gender and the predictor variables yielded statistically significant results (positive religious coping: t(1282) = 3.434, p < .001; negative religious coping (1273) = -3.676, p < .001). Specifically, women reported greater positive religious coping scores compared to men (M = 3.70 ± 0.43 vs M = 3.61 ± 0.50) as well as lower negative religious coping scores compared to men (M = 1.75 ± 0.79 vs M = 1.93 ± 0.86). The identification of gender as a confounder in this study resulted in the addition of gender as a control variable in subsequent analyses to account for its potential influence on the observed associations between religious coping and subjective health.

Correlational analyses revealed a statistically significant inverse correlation between negative religious coping and subjective health status (r = -.177, n = 1249, p = <.001). Positive religious coping was also significantly positively correlated with subjective health status (r = .060, n = 1249, p = .033) (see Table 3). Initial bivariate analyses of religious coping and subjective health status, utilizing parametric and non-parametric correlation analyses, revealed no significant differences, thus confirming the normality of the data set.

Regression Analyses

 

Utilizing an ordered logistic regression model, positive and negative religious coping were included as predictor variables to assess their predictive effects on overall subjective health while controlling for the potential confounding influence of gender as a covariate. Results showed that positive religious coping, negative religious coping, and gender predicted overall subjective health (see Table 4). Gender exhibited the highest odds ratio at 1.603, indicating that being male was associated with 1.56 times higher odds of reporting improved subjective health compared to being female. Negative religious coping showed an odds ratio of 0.660, suggesting a negative association, as lower levels of negative religious coping were associated with better subjective health. Conversely, positive religious coping demonstrated an odds ratio of 1.311, implying a positive, albeit weaker, association compared to gender, suggesting that higher levels of positive religious coping were associated with relatively improved subjective health.

 

Discussion

Exploratory research has provided strong evidence to establish that religious coping, directly and indirectly plays a role in health outcomes of Muslims around the world (Abu-Raiya et al., 2020; Abu-Raiya & Jamal, 2021; Mahamid & Bdier, 2021; Thomas & Barbato, 2020). The current study sought to explore such relationships among Muslim Americans. First and foremost, the findings show that Muslim Americans use positive religious coping in their daily lives and report using positive religious coping to a greater extent than negative religious coping (Abu-Raiya et al., 2008). The results from this study also suggest that positive and negative religious coping are both independent predictors of overall subjective health.

The results from this study also suggest that positive and negative religious coping are independent predictors of overall subjective health. Specifically, positive religious coping was positively correlated with overall subjective health, and negative religious coping was negatively correlated with overall subjective health. This suggests that increased utilization of positive religious coping skills, as represented by a higher positive religious coping score, is correlated with improved overall health (and vice-versa regarding negative religious coping). Although these correlations reduce the complex relationship between religious coping and health to a simple binary, the findings remain important, as they underscore the role of religious coping in health outcomes. Notably, given the cross-sectional nature of the study, causality cannot be inferred. It is possible that individuals with better subjective health are more likely to engage in positive religious coping, rather than religious coping directly influencing health outcomes.

This finding also echoes prior research conducted among American and non-American Muslim populations globally. Whereas other studies compared religious coping with specific health concerns such as depression (Thomas & Barbato, 2020), life satisfaction and affect (Abu-Raiya & Jamal, 2021), perceived stress (Mahamid & Bdier, 2021), and anxiety (Ahmad et al., 2023), this study is the first in this population to explore the association between religious coping and overall self-rated health status. Although a subjective measure, self-rated health status is an independent predictor of mortality and may represent a combination of physical and mental health status.

While one may speculate that both ethnicity and immigration status would impact any associations between religious coping and subjective health, the findings presented a different narrative. This study revealed a consistent association between religious coping and overall subjective health across diverse ethnicities and immigration statuses within the Muslim American community. These findings differ from prior research, which had indicated differences in the strength of correlation between religious coping and life satisfaction across various ethnicities within a multinational Muslim sample (Abu-Raiya et al., 2019). Moreover, this study did not find significant differences in reported health outcomes based on ethnicity.

Taken together, these findings suggest that the Muslim American experience may transcend sociocultural differences and even differences in religiosity. Despite the undeniable diversity of the Muslim American population, the findings suggest that the role of religious coping on health outcomes may be heavily influenced by the unique social, cultural, economic, and political landscape that characterizes Muslim communities in the United States. It also underscores the necessity for further exploration into the role of religious coping among Muslim Americans in particular.

The findings are also consistent with previous literature that has demonstrated that positive religious coping is positively correlated with life satisfaction within the Muslim population (Abu-Raiya et al., 2020; Abu-Raiya & Jamal, 2021). However, unlike studies assessing overall life satisfaction, studies exploring the relationship between positive religious coping and mental health outcomes such as depression and PTSD have yielded mixed results (Abu-Raiya et al., 2020; Areba et al., 2018; Berzengi et al., 2017; Thomas & Barbato, 2020). The relationship between positive religious coping and various health outcomes is multifaceted and often linked to various elements intrinsic to religious beliefs and practices.

Notably, religious convictions imbue life with a sense of purpose and meaning, fostering fulfillment and life satisfaction (French & Joseph, 1999; Pargament et al., 2000). Similarly, religious practices, such as prayer, are associated with stress reduction and increased mindfulness, contributing to a calmer demeanor (Ano & Vasconcelles, 2005). Moreover, the communal aspect of religion cultivates a sense of belonging, reducing feelings of isolation and enhancing social connections within communities (Koenig et al., 1998). Additionally, religious beliefs and practices often nurture hope, gratitude, and forgiveness, thereby bolstering emotional well-being and resilience (Pargament et al., 1998).

In summary, positive religious coping may enhance overall health outcomes by influencing an individual’s purpose, social integration, mindfulness, and emotional resilience, all elements fostered through religious beliefs and practices. This suggests that the positive impact of religious coping on subjective health could be mediated by these factors. However, it is crucial to consider that positive religious coping might predominantly influence subjective well-being rather than objectively defined mental health conditions such as depression, as observed in prior research. In line with this idea, prior research has suggested that the most significant impacts of positive religious coping tend to emerge when utilizing assessments focusing on positively framed items such as post-traumatic growth or spiritual advancement, as they tend to intercorrelate more strongly (Berzengi et al., 2017; Gall & Guirguis-Younger, 2013). Thus, while positive religious coping likely plays a vital role in nurturing subjective well-being, its impact might be primarily associated with the subjective sense of well-being rather than clinical mental health conditions.

In contrast to the positive correlation established between positive religious coping and enhanced subjective health, the findings consistently align with existing literature regarding the inverse relationship observed with negative religious coping. Most available data on negative religious coping revolves around mental health outcomes, particularly depressive symptoms, demonstrating associations between negative religious coping and decreased life satisfaction, increased depressive symptoms, and negative affect (Abu-Raiya et al., 2020; Abu-Raiya & Jamal, 2021; Areba et al., 2018). One possible explanation is that negative religious coping often magnifies distressing elements within religious contexts, potentially leading to a diminished sense of purpose and meaning in life, increased stress, decreased mindfulness, a sense of isolation, and a lack of emotional resilience. Consequently, the findings suggest that negative religious coping is associated with poorer overall subjective health, echoing the adverse effects witnessed in mental health outcomes and other subjective measures of well-being.

This study also revealed a nuanced relationship between gender, religious coping, and subjective health. Although women reported higher positive religious coping and lower negative religious coping than men, men rated their subjective health more favorably and had 1.56 times higher odds of reporting higher subjective health. This paradox is not entirely unexpected. For instance, a study from Pakistan during the COVID-19 pandemic found that women reported significantly higher religious coping than men. The authors attributed this to gendered social norms and caregiving responsibilities that may heighten stress and reliance on faith-based coping strategies (Ahmad & Jafree, 2023). This finding suggests that women are more likely to turn to religion as a coping mechanism, yet this may coexist with greater emotional or caregiving burdens that negatively influence self-rated health.

One possible mechanism is that women may feel more secure to express distress in religious or spiritual terms, using their faith as an emotional outlet. Based on prior literature, women often see religion as a “relationship with God,” whereas men may perceive religion more as a belief system or rules, which may shape how coping is internalized and expressed (Rassoulian et al., 2021)

Additionally, in a study on gender and self-rated health, women were somewhat less likely to rate their health as “excellent or very good” than men, even after accounting for objective health differences, suggesting that women may incorporate broader psychosocial and emotional factors into their health self-assessment (Zajacova et al., 2018). Overall, although women engage in more positive religious coping, higher exposure to stressors, along with a broader interpretive lens for health, may blunt the observable benefit of coping on their subjective health.

Strengths and Limitations

 

This study presents several strengths, notably being the first to establish a relationship between positive and negative religious coping and subjective health among Muslim Americans. The use of a validated religious coping scale tailored to the Muslim population adds credibility. Additionally, the study sample’s immigration status distribution and mean age were comparable to those of the broader U.S. Muslim population (Pew Research Center, 2017), contributing to its representativeness.

While this study provides valuable insights, it has its limitations as a survey-based cross-sectional study. Participant recruitment was limited by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the English-only survey targeted English-literate Muslims in large communities, potentially underrepresenting those with lower English literacy or those living in smaller or rural areas. The sample demographics also show discrepancies compared to the broader U.S. Muslim population, with an overrepresentation of Asians (38.2%) and females (68%) and an underrepresentation of Black Muslims (8.6%), which impacts generalizability (Pew Research Center, 2017).

The survey-based data introduces response biases, such as recency bias in self-reported health and the potential for bias in labeling coping strategies as positive or negative. Additionally, while the coping scale is tailored to Muslims, it may not encompass all coping strategies, limiting measurement accuracy.

 

Conclusion

 

Although exploratory in nature, the study is the first to examine the relationship between positive and negative religious coping and overall subjective health status in a national sample of Muslim Americans, utilizing a validated and peer-reviewed religious coping scale tailored to the Muslim population. Additionally, the results indicate a prevalence of positive religious coping among Muslim Americans, which is significantly associated with enhanced subjective health across diverse ethnic groups (Brewer et al., 2015; Falb & Pargament, 2013; Holt et al., 2014; Thomas & Barbato, 2020). Contrastingly, the results demonstrate the inverse relationship between negative religious coping and subjective health perception in the sample. While the present study is the first to corroborate these associations among Muslim Americans, further research is needed to understand the mechanisms through which both positive and negative religious coping operate to influence overall health indirectly and directly. A more focused exploration can shed light on the interplay of these mechanisms in affecting various facets of health, encompassing psychological, social, and cultural dimensions, to offer a more comprehensive understanding of their effects.

Given that our study shows a significant association between both positive and negative religious coping and subjective health, and prior studies have found that Muslims are more likely to engage with religion as a coping mechanism for stress relative to other religious groups (Adam & Ward, 2016), there are substantial implications for healthcare practitioners and healthcare systems providing care to Muslim Americans. Conducting spiritual assessments and inquiring about religious practices, beliefs, and coping mechanisms for Muslim patients can serve as a starting point to understanding how religion might influence a patient's overall well-being. Additionally, the present study may have implications for considering religious coping practices when designing interventions to support Muslim American patients. For example, healthcare systems can strive to foster environments that respect and facilitate religious practices, such as providing patients with private spaces for religious observations. Further research that dives deep into the mechanisms through which religious coping influences subjective health can provide a foundation for targeted treatment and intervention towards various physical and mental health challenges.

Despite its limitations, this study presents foundational insights into the relationship between religious coping and subjective health among Muslim Americans. Limitations related to sample demographics emphasize the need for caution when generalizing these findings to the broader US Muslim population. However, future research with more demographically representative samples would likely address these limitations and help expand upon this study’s preliminary findings. Additionally, utilizing measures such as objective health indicators would enhance the comprehensiveness and validity of future studies. However, the evidence proposed in our study will open the door for further research addressing the direct impacts of the lived Muslim American experience on their overall health and well-being.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Table 1. Participant Demographic Characteristics

Table 2. Descriptive Statistics

Table 3. Correlations Matrix

Table 4. Ordered Logistic Regression Analysis

Figure 1. Relationships between positive and negative religious coping and subjective health