âWe descendants of the incomplete puzzle, know a good deal about dwelling in rough, negotiated spaces.â
Imani Perry1
Denial of justice breeds oppressive systems of inequality and injustice. Examined abstractly in the evolutionary context of âsocial contractâ (Mohan, 2022), it may be dialectically posited that freedom precedes unfreedom.
âEye for an eye will make the whole world blind,â Mahatma K. Gandhi famously said. Itâs no surprise that he was assassinated by a Hindu bigot. A hate map indicated 838 active hate groups in the United States.2 RacismâDNA of many societiesâis a pervasive evil. Itâs denial weaponized by extremists is sabotaging, with vengeance, every democratic institution and value that build the three pillars of social development: Economic equity, social justice, and human diversity.
The âculture wars,â so detrimental to civil discourse, are more dangerous than California forest fires. Heat is burning up physical and social structures. What is most worrisome is that many state governments are banning books and criminalizing teaching of racism. The Critical Race Theory (CRT) has triggered a new frontier in reactionary politics that muffles truth, education, and knowledge. A professor has been fired for using the Ta-Nehisi Coates book. It has happened; it is happening.3
I wonder what might have happened to me if I had not retired 10 years ago. I could novelize a âcampus novel.â Itâs interesting to see: âHow did a loose set of radical ideas leap from campus to American lifeâ? (The Economist, September 4th, 2021, pp. 15â17).4 The Economistâs âBriefingâ accounts for three factors: â[A] dissatisfied student body; an academic theory that was malleable enough to be shaped into a handbook for political activism, and a pliant university administrationâ (Ibid., 2021, p. 15). The wokeness became a call for Social Justice against discriminatory exclusions and oppressive forces that were embedded in the whole unjust, racist system.
Resentment against CRT has crossed the Atlantic in the otherwise liberal pastures of liberalism. The French Prime Minister, Emanuel Macron, lately lashed out against social science theories that originated in the United States.5 Marxâs Haters blame him for this âAwokening.â Intellectual Left has nearly disappeared. In a review of Mark Levinâs American Marxism (2022), Michael Kazin concludes: âAmerican Marxism may set out to tell us about the left, but it tells us more about the rightâ (The Nation, January 10/17, 2022, p. 41). Itâs interesting to note the duality of illiberalism on the two sides of the ideological spectrum.
Unfortunately, race and gender have become anti-free speech weapons in the arsenal of the âdiversity industrial complexâ as Bruce Gilley asserted at Portland State University.6 Jean-Michel Blanquer, the French Education Minister, contends that âwokeâ theories âled to the rise of Donald Trumpâ (Quoted by McAuley, 2021, p. 22).
Demise of dissent is an older chapter. The new versions of disenfranchisement are frightening. Communalism is one of Indiaâs race wars. A priest recently addressed a Religious Parliament: âAll Hindus must pick up weapons and conduct a cleanliness drive.â Another of his ilk instigated the crowd: âIf a hundred of us become soldiers and kill two million of them, we will be victoriousâ (The Economist, January 15th, 2022, p. 12). Decline of democracy extends from the United States to India. Some critics have likened the two pernicious agendas of Trumpism and Hindutva.
Itâs ironic that the anti-mask-vaccine should unify the anti-democratic movement in the United States. The ordeal of democracy has led to the demise of a criticalâhistorical mindset amongst the intellectual elites. Itâs profitable to be anti-Marxist. George Packer, a venerated journalist, writes:
Inequality in the United States has crossed a threshold that fatally compromises the public trust and comity needed to inspire and achieve effective and robust government. (2021; quoted by Singh, 2021, p. 33)
Modernityâs triumph over diseases caused by humanâanimal contact since the invention of agriculture is a remarkable success. However, development has not been balanced. Decline of mortality, elimination of many diseases that plagued humanity during the last 100,000 years, and the resultant good health have extended the life span of humans. Now, itâs the rise of mental and brain-related disorders that is worrisome. Andrew Doigâs conclusion is rather worrisome: âWe seem to be heading for a world of elderly people with functioning bodies, but demented mindsâ (2022; quoted by The Economist, February 5, 2022, p. 75).
Life need not be a zero-sum parable. In the Squid Game, a nasty gangster employs hundreds of people in a self-eliminating game symbolizing the inhumanity of a capitalist global do-or-die marketplace. The lesson of this Netflix flick is not that subtle: In a dog-eat-dog world, ideologies have morphed into self-enriching manifestos of predatory power.
How do we formulate and implement a blueprint for Social Development, globally and locally, in a painfully divided world? I believe innate human proclivities that fire up the quest for survival and triumph get wired in a cultural setting. This instinctual struggle has continued ever since humans invented âpropertyâ and âagriculture.â This Genie cannot be rebottled. This is Social Developmentâs mission impossible. What do weâstudents, professors, institutions, citizens, and governmentsâdo? Answering this question impels wise and unwise strategies of transformational change. Economic, political, cultural, and social domains of existence call for change that is neither atavistic nor regressive. Having survived the Covid 19, Delta, and Omicron, and their successive variantsâthe plagues of 2021 and â2022âsociety as a whole has nearly experienced extinction. A pandemic is close to becoming endemic. We have seen institutional meltdown and a breakdown of Social Contractâ (Mohan, 2022). I submit that three sets of forces merit the attention of world leaders, scientists, and peoples: (1) Our Faustian bargain to control nature; (2) culturally ingrained human acquisitiveness and pugnacity; and (3) subconscious loyalty to the âold habits of thoughtâ.7
Anytime when the drums of war echo in the skies, humanity takes a few steps backward. Lately, Russia and the United States have been involved in âwar gamesâ over Ukraine, âthe most dangerous problem in the worldâ (The Nation, Nov. 29/Dec. 6, 2021). All developmental processes, principles, and practices leading to progress remain on the back burners so long as our desublimation, border conflicts, and climatic cataclysms continue to ravage. Gandhi was right: âIf you cannot change yourself, how will you change the world.â What has become of us, the humans?
De Toroâs Nightmare Alley has a compelling insight. âJustice,â it seems, is an outcome of oneâs own Karma, which may be awarded in a diverse way. This âidea of justiceâ (Sen, 2009) is inherently flawed.8 âSocialâ is an important quality of âjustice.â One could also hyphenate both âsocialâ and âeconomic.â The ideas that signify the duality of these two concepts simply implies a dialectical relationship between freedom (Justice) and oppression (Injustice) as I had formulated more than quarter of a century ago (Mohan, 1986, 2022). Since primitive society did not practice âChattel slavery,â one can assume that justice preceded injustice. Senâs refutation of the existing theories of social justice (SJ) is overrated. His belief in âsocial diagnosis of injusticeâ and certain behavioral elements morally sounds like beating around the bush without a measure of unqualified originality. Edward 0. Wilsonâs words signify my basic postulates:
Human beings are not wicked by nature. We have enough intelligence, goodwill, generosity, and enterprise to turn Earth into a paradise both for ourselves and the biosphere that gave us birth. We can accomplish that goal, at least be well on the way, by the end of the present century. The problem holding everything up thus for is that Homo sapiens is an innately dysfunctional species. We are hampered by the Paleolithic Curse: genetic adaptations that worked very well for millions of years of hunter-gatherer existence but are increasingly a hinderance in a globally urban and technoscientific society. (Wilson, 2014, p. 174)
References
Doig, A. (2022). This mortal coil. New York, NY: Bloomsbury.
McAuley, J. (2021). Europeâs war on woke. The Nation, 13/20 December, pp. 20â27.
Mohan, B. (1972). Indiaâs social problems: Analyzing basic issues. Allahabad: Indian International Publications.
Mohan, B. (1986). Toward comparative social welfare (Ed. See Ch I: 1â12). Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.
Mohan, B. (2022). Rediscovery of society: A post-pandemic reality. New York, NY: Nova Scientific Publishers.
Levin, M. L. (2022). American Marxism. New York, NY: Threshold Edition.
Packer, G. (2021). Last best hope: America in crisis and renewal. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.
Sen, A. (2009). The idea of justice. London: Allen Lane.
Singh, N. P. (2021). George Packerâs liberal faith. The Nation, 29 November/6 December 2021, pp. 32â36.
Wilson, E. O. (2014). The meaning of existence. New York, NY: Liveright Publishing (W.W. Norton).
Notes
- Author of South to America (2022; quoted by Time February 14/21, 2022, p. 50). Perryâs words have special and metaphorical significance here. âThe Way Home: I searched for answers about my enslaved ancestors. What I found was more questionsâ (Time, February 14/21, 2022, pp. 46â50). I often identify myself with people who must negotiate for their given spaces as a âdescendant of the incomplete puzzle.â âŽ
- www.splcenter.org/hatemap âŽ
- In this brief essay, I offer some musings and lessons that I have experienced during the course of six decades across the Atlantic. âŽ
- The Economist, Briefing: The illiberal left, September 4th, 2021. âŽ
- âAmerican inspired anti-racism and âwokenessâ, is blamed by E. Macros himself. âI see certain social science theories entirely imported from the United States.â; quoted by James McAuley (The Nation, December 13/20, 2021, p. 22). âŽ
- See, âA professorâs resignation highlights pressures to conform,â The Economist, September 25, 2021, p. 24. âŽ
- This expression is owed to the famed British philosopher Bertrand Russell (personal communication with the author. See Mohan, B. (1972, p. 69). âŽ
- âJustice is ultimately connected with the way peopleâs lives go, and not merely with the nature of the institutions surrounding themâ (Sen, 2009, p. x). His emphasis on âdiagnoses of injusticeâ employs a poor choice of words. What social work calls the âcapacityâ (or âstrengthâ) perspective is essentially an Aristotelian idea adopted by Sen (2009, p. xxiv). Furthermore, undue emphasis on behavioral aspects at the expense of structuralâinstitutional causes sounds both unrealistic and ephemeral (See Mohan, 2022). To paraphrase an expression of one of Senâs admirers: Noble Laureate Amartya Sen is a master at building ideal âCastles in the airâ (G.A. Cohen on the back cover; Sen, 2009). âŽ
Brij Mohan, Dean Emeritus, School of Social Work, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70808, USA.